* Category includes ratification, accession, or succession to the treaty

Despite its armed conflict, Colombia maintains a strong array of rule-of-law institutions. The 1991 constitution includes a comprehensive bill of rights, provisions securing the independence of the judiciary, and other checks and balances on executive power. Since 1991 the Constitutional Court has developed a progressive jurisprudence that affirms the rights of victims of human rights violations and protects individual liberties.

The 1991 Colombian Constitution also recognizes the role of CSOs and establishes that the state has the obligation to support them and to recognize them as legitimate actors in the policy process. Changes currently affecting CSOs in Colombia include their increasingly close links with the state, and difficulties arising from a relative lack of funds from sources promoting international co-operation.

The 1991 Constitution establishes freedom of association in general.

Article 38 guarantees the exercise of the freedom of association, providing that “The right of free association for the promotion of various activities that individuals pursue in society is guaranteed”. In addition, article 95 provides that “The following are duties of the individual and the citizen: … to defend and publicize human rights as a basis of peaceful coexistence…”

Article 20 of the Constitution provides that “Every individual is guaranteed the freedom to express and disseminate his/her thoughts and opinions, to transmit and receive information that is true and impartial, and to establish mass communications media”. In addition, according to article 37, “Any group of individuals may gather and demonstrate publicly and peacefully. The law alone may establish in a specific manner those cases in which the exercise of this right may be limited.”

Article 39 establishes that workers and employers have the right to form trade unions or associations without interference by the state. Their legal status will be recognized by the simple registration of their constituent act. The cancellation or suspension of legal status may only occur through legal means.

Moreover, the Constitution provides that the State “will contribute to the organization, promotion, and guidance of professional, civic, trade union, community, youth and charitable or nongovernmental public-purpose associations, without prejudicing their authority so that they may constitute democratic means of representation in the various functions of participation, agreement, control, and supervision of the public activities that they undertake.”

The Civil Code regulates the establishment of companies, associations and societies for profit-making and nonprofit-making purposes. Nonprofit, charitable or welfare associations or societies may be established by private acts. Such associations include trade unions and second– and third-level trade union associations whose legal capacity is automatically recognized when they are formed, but which must be registered with the labor authorities upon establishment.

Law 863 of 2003 (Article 8) establishes income tax exemptions for not-for-profit corporations, foundations and associations with legal standing, with respect to income from all activities and assets employed toward their aims and purposes. CSO must maintain separate books and accounts with respect to any business they carry out and such books need to be registered at the local chamber of commerce.

The Transparency and Access to Public Information Law of March 2014 requires all government agencies and employees to answer requests for information. It also establishes a minimum of information content that the government must publish and requires government entities to provide proof and arguments justifying cases where information is withheld.

The National Police Code and Coexistence (Law 1801), which was approved by Congress in 2016, updated the 1970 Police Code provisions regulating public demonstrations and protests.

In a 2017 ruling, the Colombian Constitutional Court found that the Code’s chapter that regulates public demonstrations had violated the Constitution insofar as it had not been supported by a Statutory Law, which, according to the Constitution, is required when regulating individual rights. To avoid a regulatory vacuum, the Constitutional Court deferred the application of its judgment to June 20, 2019 and urged Congress to pass a Statutory Law on the matter. However, as of April 2025, Congress had not started the discussion on a draft bill of the Statutory Law.

There has been a debate among legal experts as to what are the rules governing protests after June 20, 2019. To some experts, the previous 1970 Police Code should regain authority, which in the view of activists would be highly problematic since the that Police Code placed unconstitutional restrictions on the freedom of peaceful assembly. Other legal experts consider that in the absence of a statute, authorities should apply the rules set by the jurisprudence of the Constitutional Court. In any case, the lack of regulation allows authorities an unconstitutionally wide leeway to decide on the legality of demonstrations in the public space. Furthermore, when protesters block a road or street without notification, they may be subject to criminal conviction, fines, and terms of imprisonment pursuant to Colombia’s Criminal Code.

The passage of Law 2197 of 2022, which criminalized social protest and legitimized various forms of vigilantism, sparked significant legal controversy. Much of the law was challenged legally, leading the Constitutional Court to strike down several provisions, while others were upheld but with interpretative limits to prevent police abuse. Since then, the Government has implemented executive orders to protect assembly rights, beginning with Directive No. 07 of 2023, which combats the stigmatization of human rights defenders and emphasizes their protection from threats and violence. It encourages public policies to ensure their safety.

Decree 1231 of 2024 further regulates the National Police’s use of force, promoting actions grounded in human rights and legality. It mandates responsible, proportional police conduct and stresses communication before force is used, prohibiting excessive behavior. Clear guidelines differentiate the use of force based on the situation and establish supervisory responsibilities.

Furthermore, Attorney General’s Directive 001 of 2024 provides guidelines for peaceful protest management, underscoring its constitutional right and setting investigative and prosecutorial limits. It ensures police conduct respects human rights, offering special protections for vulnerable groups and aligning legal procedures with international standards to maintain both protest rights and public order.

Lastly, on September 9, 2024, President Petro signed a Presidential Directive on the duties of public officials in the exercise of freedom of expression and respect for freedom of the press. The directive establishes guidelines to optimize the implementation of Colombia’s international obligations regarding freedom of expression, particularly with regard to the interaction between the executive branch and journalism, in line with the standards of the Inter-American human rights system on the matter.

As per the Directive, officials must avoid stigmatizing or discriminating against journalists and other relevant actors, promote a tolerant public discourse free of hate speech, and guarantee access to accurate information.  They are expected to foster open communication channels, avoid censorship, and verify information before making public statements.

The Directive also outlines specific preventative measures against stigmatization, including respectful communication, correcting misinformation fairly, and ensuring equitable treatment of journalists. The Secretariat for Communications and Press is tasked with overseeing compliance, implementing training programs, and maintaining open dialogue with media representatives to promote a democratic environment of open and responsible communication.

Please help keep us informed; if you are aware of pending initiatives, write to ICNL at ngomonitor@icnl.org.

The legal framework governing CSOs in Colombia is marked by vagueness and internal contradictions. For example, many laws and regulations refer to “non-governmental organizations (NGOs),” yet they fail to provide a clear legal definition of the term. In practice, Colombian law recognizes only two forms of non-profit legal entities: nonprofit corporations or associations [1] and public charitable foundations.

Registering a CSO involves a two-step process. First, applicants must submit documents to the chambers of commerce, which manage public registries for commercial entities, government suppliers, and nonprofit organizations. These registries serve as a means of publicity rather than providing substantive oversight. The application must include:

• A memorandum of association and rules and regulations;
• minutes of the Executive Board or General Assembly approving the organization’s creation;
• a detailed mission statement, including program and project information;
• the legal address and a list of the founders’ names, addresses, and occupations;
• a detailed statement showing the organization’s assets;
• an affidavit sworn by the organization’s president or secretary; and
• a declaration from the members of the managing committee affirming that organizational funds will be used exclusively to further its stated aims and objectives.

Then, the registration needs to be submitted with either the state (Gobernaciones) or district (alcaldías) authority where the CSO seeks recognition.

Under Law 22 of 1987, Colombia’s 32 governors and the Mayor of Bogota Capital District are authorized to inspect and supervise CSOs. Organizations are required to submit annual financial statements and activities reports to these authorities.

The cancellation of legal status is governed by Presidential Decree 1529 of 1990. Article 7 specifies that any individual can submit a request to cancel a CSO’s legal status on grounds such as engaging in illegal activities, violating public order, or deviating from the purposes for which it was established. Upon receiving such a request, the relevant Governor’s or Mayor’s Office should open an investigation, conduct an on-site visit to the concerned CSO, and make a decision within ten working days.

Colombian law does not establish a distinct legal category for nonprofit organizations with public benefit status. However, the Constitution recognizes foundations as “institutions of public use,” intended to serve the “public benefit.”

Under Colombian tax law, CSOs engaged in health activities, sports, formal education, cultural, scientific or technological, ecological, environmental protection, or social development programs qualify for special tax benefits. These include reduced tax rates and, in some cases, full exemptions from income tax.

Overall, the legal requirements for establishing and operating a CSO in Colombia are relatively straightforward. Some observers even argue that the process is too simple, raising concerns about potential abuse.

Although the Constitution allows CSOs to form for a wide range of purposes, in practice, restrictions emerge when an organization’s objectives conflict with government policies or  ideology. Human rights organizations and other groups critical of the government, for example, often face greater challenges in obtaining or maintaining legal status.

Although there are no express legal barriers to CSO operations, the subjective application of regulations by government institutions often results in a disparity between the original intent of the laws and their enforcement in practice. Human rights organizations, in particular, operate in a climate of harassment, as detailed below.

There are no legal restrictions on communication or engagement with international actors. However, cultural sensitivities can create informal barriers. Criticizing the government in international forums, for example, can be perceived as an act of disloyalty.

CSOs in Colombia are allowed to receive foreign funding through grants and donations. They are also permitted to acquire and dispose of property, invest resources, and import and export goods. However, to comply with anti-money laundering regulation, Colombian banks require an official Spanish translation of a document detailing the origin of funds when foreign currency is converted to pesos.

Colombia remains one of the most dangerous countries in the world for human rights defenders, with dozens of labor rights activists, lawyers, indigenous activists, and community and religious leaders murdered every year. In recent years, human rights CSOs and their members have faced frequent reprisals and undue restrictions for their work supporting victims of the armed conflict. Violations take the form of illegal surveillance, smear campaigns, criminal prosecutions, invasions and arbitrary searches of CSO offices, and interference with phone and electronic communications. These practices create a hostile and unsafe environment for advocacy work.

Statements by government officials have contributed to this climate of risk, with international monitoring bodies warning that such rhetoric can legitimize or encourage violence against human rights defenders and their organizations.

Since 2016, a series of legal amendments and policy decisions have increasingly restricted the exercise of the right to peaceful assembly in Colombia.

In 2016, amendments to the Police Code granted local authorities broad powers over the use of public space and the exercise of the right to public demonstration. Human rights activists challenged these changes before the Constitutional Court, arguing that they did not comply with constitutional provisions and international human rights standards on the right to peaceful assembly. In April 2017, the Court ruled in favor of the plaintiffs but deferred the ruling’s effect for two years to give Congress time to enact a new framework. As of 2025, Congress had yet to adopt replacement legislation, leaving a regulatory vacuum and creating uncertainty for local authorities tasked with policing assemblies.

Between 2019 and 2022, Colombia experienced a significant surge in social protests, with 12,478 demonstrations occurring across 862 municipalities from April 28 to June 4, 2021. Although most protests were peaceful, the government tended to treat them as a law enforcement issue, leading to confrontations between police and demonstrators in major cities. This response resulted in at least 50 deaths, numerous missing person reports, hundreds of injuries—including severe eye injuries from “less-lethal” weapons—and over 3,000 detentions. Regulations were implemented that authorized military intervention in protests. In response to this crisis, the IACHR conducted an emergency visit to the country and issued a report condemning these human rights violations and calling for structural police reform.

Courts have also, at time, curtailed assembly rights. In May 2021, during the Covid-19 pandemic, the Administrative Court of Cundinamarca suspended all demonstrations until biosecurity protocols were implemented or herd immunity was achieved. Civil society and academic experts criticized this ruling (Spanish) as incompatible with constitutional and international norms. The Council of State overturned the decision in June 2021, affirming that restrictions on peaceful assembly can only be established by Congress.

The adoption of the Citizen Security Bill (Law 2197 of 2022) in January 2022 further jeopardized assembly rights. Enacted after two months of mass protests marred by excessive force, the law introduced provisions that critics argues could criminalize protest, hinder human rights defenses, legitimize vigilante justice, enable urban paramilitarism, and authorize the shooting of civilians. Several provisions faced legal challenges, leading the Constitutional Court to strike down or reinterpret sections to prevent police abuse. However, Article 20, which criminalizes the “obstruction of public functions” with penalties of up to five years in prison, remains in force.

Additional details on restrictions on assembly in Colombia are provided below.

Vague Provisions

In 2011, Colombia’s Congress approved reforms to the Criminal Code, the Code of Criminal Procedure, and the Juvenile Criminal Code. Article 353(A) of the Criminal Code contains vague language regarding the obstruction of public ways during protests. It provides for prison terms of four to eight years and heavy fines. The broad and imprecise wording risks criminalizing legitimate protest activities protected under the Constitution.

Advance Notification

The National Police Code (Decree No. 1355 of 1970) requires organizers to give written notice of public meetings or parades at least 48 hours in advance. Accordingly, spontaneous demonstrations are not permitted. Authorities may alter routes, dates, or times within 24 hours based on public order considerations. However, if there is no response by the authority within 24 hours, it is understood that the assembly may take place.

Enforcement and Excessive Force

Although civilian authorities typically refrain from interfering with public meetings, there have been repeated instances of the use of excessive force by anti-riot police. The United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) and other international bodies have documented arbitrary killings, injuries from projectiles, and cases of torture and ill-treatment of protesters—including forced nudity, death threats, and racially motivated abuse. Many detentions during protests have relied on “transfer for protective purposes,” an administrative measure granting police broad discretionary powers.

In September 2020, the Colombian Supreme Court confirmed these violations, expressing concern over the systematic and arbitrary interventions by police during protests. In response, the government adopted Decree 003 of 2021, establishing a use-of-force protocol for the national police during protests. While CSOs welcomed certain provisions, they criticized the decree for failing to address all of the issues raised by the Court.

Shortly after the Decree’s implementation, Colombia witnessed intense street protests, during which numerous instances of police noncompliance with the established protocol were documented. The government’s issuance of Decree 575 of 2021, which directed governors and mayors to coordinate “military assistance” to confront public disturbances, drew sharp criticism from the IACHR for its potential to disproportionately restrict freedom of expression and assembly. The Council of State provisionally suspended  the decree in July 2021, citing risks to the right to protest.

Under President Gustavo Petro, new measures sought to reverse some of these problematic norms and practices. Decree 1231 of 2024, which replaces Decree 003 of 2021, strengthens human rights protections and sets clearer standards for proportional use of force, emphasizing de-escalation and supervisory accountability. In parallel, Attorney General’s Directive 001 of 2024 provides guidelines for managing peaceful protests, reinforcing constitutional protections, setting boundaries on investigations and prosecutions, and aligning police conduct with international standards.

Resolution 01840, which was issued on June 20, 2025, adopts guidelines for the use of less-lethal weapons by the National Police based on principles of necessity, legality, proportionality, and constitutionality and marks a significant step toward protecting civilian human rights during security force interventions. This resolution, which resulted from collaboration between the government, CSOs and the United Nations, also prioritizes dialogue and mediation before resorting to less lethal weapons, which can only be used by specially trained personnel. However, CSOs argue that while the guidelines represent progress in human rights protection, their true impact lies in effective implementation, proper supervision, and the commitment to transforming police doctrine and actions.

Large protests in Colombia in support of President Petro’s labour reforms (June 2025)
Protests have been held in Colombia as supporters of left-wing President Gustavo Petro express their support for his proposed labour reform, with the country rattled by an eruption of violence amid fears of a return to darker days of assassinations and bombings. Petro signed a decree to hold a public referendum vote on the labour reform.

Statutory Bill 166 of 2024 is shelved (May 2025)
On April 29, 2025, Statutory Bill 166 of 2024 was shelved. It sought to protect young people and social movements that have relied on the state to guarantee their right to protest, comply with the Peace Agreement and related international human rights recommendations, and prevent future social crises due to the lack of a clear legal framework that allows for the exercise of this right.

Thousands march across Colombia in anti-government protests (June 2023)
Thousands of demonstrators marched through Colombia’s major cities to protest the government of leftist President Gustavo Petro. At least 90,000 people throughout the country took part in “The March of the Majority” in Bogota, Medellin, Cali, Pereira and Bucaramanga to protest against a raft of proposals to reform healthcare, pensions and the labor system. Protesters dressed in white also chanted against Petro’s attempts to give criminals immunity in exchange for laying down their arms. Since taking office in August last year, Petro has been seeking a “total peace” policy to end a 60-year armed conflict between the state and various illegal groups that are still active in the country.

Citizen Security Law receives new legal challenge (December 2022) (Spanish)
In December 2022, the Constitutional Court admitted a new lawsuit against the Citizen Security Law. This lawsuit involves an article of the Law that states that whoever occupies, usurps, or invades private or public property in the middle of a demonstration may incur a prison term of four to ten years. For the plaintiff, the Law criminalizes in an “unreasonable and disproportionate” manner the fundamental rights of freedom of expression and public and peaceful assembly and demonstration since, most of the time, these types of protests occupy public property such as streets, parks, or public squares. It is the third lawsuit filed before the Constitutional Court regarding this Law.

UN calls on Colombian government to protect rights defenders who challenge corporate activity (August 2022)
Activists who raise concerns about business projects in Colombia are under serious threat for speaking out, and UN human rights experts are urging the government to do much more to protect them. “Serious threats, including death threats, are commonplace in Colombia for defenders who raise concerns about corporate activity, in particular in land-intensive industries,” said Mary Lawlor, UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders.

Colombia Truth Commission presents final report on internal armed conflict (June 2022)
The Colombia Truth Commission was set up as part of a 2016 peace deal between the government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). It was tasked with documenting abuses and explaining what caused the conflict to persist for so long. The Commission’s final report claims that at least 450,664 people were killed over nearly six decades of fighting and also criticizes entrenched impunity in Colombia.

Mounting Security Challenges Await Colombia’s Next President (June 2022)
In the first round of Colombia’s presidential elections, long-standing opposition leader Gustavo Petro and newly emerged outsider Rodolfo Hernández both handily defeated the conservative establishment candidate Federico Gutiérrez. The latter’s third-place finish signals Colombians’ resounding rejection of the country’s status quo and a rebuke of the political establishment and predominant elites.

Colombia bars social leaders from speaking before UN security council (May 2022)
The Security Council will meet in New York for its quarterly session on the implementation of a 2016 peace deal with now-defunct guerrilla group FARC. These sessions have always been attended by Colombia’s foreign minister to represent the State and a social leader to represent civil society. This time only Duque will address the UN ambassadors. The decision is controversial because of the Duque’s alleged non-compliance with the peace deal and a resurgence of violence in Colombia.

Colombia Responsible for Rape and Torture of Journalist Jineth Bedoya, Court Rules (October 2021)

IACHR Completes Working Visit to Colombia and Issues Observations and Recommendations (June 2021)

Egregious Police Abuses Against Protesters (June 2021)

55 Members of U.S. Congress Urge State Department to Denounce Police Brutality in Colombia (May 2021)

Judiciary Seeks to Prohibit Street Protests until Herd Immunity Achieved (April 2021)

Human Rights Organizations Call for Investigations into Police Violence by Independent Judges (March 2021)

Colombian Intelligence Unit Used U.S. Equipment to Spy on Journalists and Human Rights Defenders (May 2020)

Special Rapporteur on Human Rights Defenders Releases Report on Colombia (December 2019)

Colombia’s Peace Deal Promised a New Era. So Why Are These Rebels Rearming? (June 2019)

‘Terrible trend’ of rights defenders killed, harassed (May 2019)

Regional Strike in Cauca Enters Twelfth Day (March 2019)

Colombia must act to stop killings and attacks against human rights defenders (December 2018)

Student strikes continue: The march of the pencils (November 2018)

Colombia’s new defense Minister proposes to limit right to protest and attacks social leaders (July 2018)

Inter-American Court of Human Rights orders Colombia to investigate journalist’s murder (June 2018)

Iván Duque wins election to become Colombia’s president (June 2018)

IACHR Urges Colombia to Adopt Urgent Measures to Protect Human Rights Defenders (March 2018)

More than 100 human rights activists killed in Colombia in 2017 (December 2017)

Colombia’s FARC rebels keep famous acronym for new political party (August 2017)

EU envoy calls for Colombia’s social leaders to have ‘maximum protection’ (May 2017)

Spike in killings as activists targeted amid peace process (February 2017)

Security Situation for Human Rights Defenders in Colombia Continues to Deteriorate (January 2017)

Colombia signs peace deal with FARC (November 2016)

Dejusticia sues the Police Code over protest regulation (October 2016)(Spanish)

The paradox of Colombia’s peace deal for FARC (August 2016)

Colombia peasant protests shut down roads, spur violent police response (June 2016)

Massive Threats against Human Rights Defenders in Colombia (April 2016)

IACHR Condemns Killings and Threats Directed against Human Rights Defenders in Colombia (February 2016)

Colombian Government and FARC rebels sign key agreement (December 2015)

Colombian president and rebels declare peace (October 2015)

Student and rights activists among arrested ‘ELN’ bombing suspects (July 2015)

New book on Communications Surveillance and Privacy (April 2015)

New Presidential Decree on Access to Information and Transparency (January 2015)

Wave of Threats Hit Colombian Human Rights Defenders (October 2014)

Democratic and Social Reforms Needed for Lasting Truce in Colombia (August 2014)

Juan Manuel Santos reelected in Colombia’s Presidential elections (June 2014)

Colombia not on IACHR human rights ‘black list’ (April 2014)

Colombia has its first Transparency and Access to Public Information Law (March 2014)

Protest Swell in Colombia’s “Andean Spring” (August 2013)

First half of 2013 worst period on Colombia’s record for human rights workers (August 2013)

Farc rebels and Colombian government reach deal over political participation (June 2013)

Constitutional Court Ruling Green-Lights Law on Transparency and Access to Information (May 2013)

United Nations’ human rights office to remain in Colombia until 2016 (April 2013)

Colombia civil society hand over proposals to FARC (January 2013)

Colombia’s Congress passes military reform law despte objections of human rights groups (December 2012)

Human rights court visits Colombia for ‘blacklist’ revision (December 2012)

NGOs, victims, indigenous groups, and ex-paramilitaries demand involvement in peace negotiations between FARC and Colombian government (October 2012)

Civil society leaders in Santander threatened (October 2012)

Dozens arrested in Colombia protests (October 2012)

Attacks and assassinations against human rights defenders continue in Colombia (October 2012)

Colombia: Peace at last? (October 2012)

CIVICUS intervention in the UPR for Colombia (October 2012)

Supreme Court reverses plans to prosecute a local journalist  (August 2012)

Colombian Congress to approve “Transparency and Access to Information Law” (June 2012)

Civil society report on UN Security Council Resolution 1325 (June 2012)

Civil society “revolt” defends rule of law in Colombia (July 2012)

Attempted shooting of rights lawyer raises questions of political will (May 2012)

Official statistics report that at least 17 land rights leaders have been murdered in Colombia since June of last year (April 2012)

Violence against human rights defenders in Colombia on the rise (March 2012)

Colombia’s Domestic Intelligence Chief, convicted of criminal conspiracy (September 2011)

IACHR condemns continued threats and murders directed against human rights defenders and their families in Colombia (March 2011)

Human Rights Watch World Report 2011 (January 2011)