* Category includes ratification, accession, or succession to the treaty

Constitutional Framework

The first Algerian Constitution was passed in 1963 by referendum, following the end of the War of Independence with France. Algeria’s second constitution was passed in 1976 during the Boumédienne era; it recognized the freedom to associate and form organizations. After public uprisings in 1988, a third constitution was adopted, expanding on several individual freedoms, including by allowing citizens to elect representatives and form political parties. Parts of this constitution were suspended following the 1992 military coup, however, when the government declared a state of emergency. The constitution was again modified in 1996, 2002, and 2008, though without substantial changes with regard to individual rights and freedoms.

The 2011 revolution in neighboring Tunisia and signs of growing discontent among Algerians led President Bouteflika to promise a raft of reforms that included constitutional revisions. Consultations on recommended changes took place from 2011 to late 2015, when President Bouteflika approved the draft amendments, and Parliament approved them in February 2016. Among other things, the amendments reinstated a two-term limit on the office of the presidency, and a requirement that the prime minister be selected from the parliamentary majority rather than directly chosen by the president.

On November 1, 2020 Constitutional changes were passed after a popular referendum with a record low voter turnout was held.  The revised Constitution limits the role of the army to “the consolidating and developing of the Nation’s defensive capabilities; preserving national independence and defending national sovereignty; and protecting the unity of the country and the integrity of its territory” (Article 30). However, it does not prohibit the armed forces from intervening in the political or economic affairs of the country. It additionally does not provide for civilian oversight of the armed forces, though under the adopted constitution, the president remains the Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces and in charge of national defense.

The amendments to the Constitution also placed more power in the hands of the president, providing him with the power to appoint and dismiss the prime minister, one-third of the upper chamber of Parliament, ministers, judges, the head of the supreme court, the head of the higher administrative court, the head of the court of accounts, and the head of the constitutional court. Under this amended Constitution, the president of the republic also serves as the president of the Higher Judicial Council, and his powers are unchecked; he is unimpeachable and may dissolve the People’s National Assembly under any circumstances.

Under article 39 of the amended Constitution, torture or cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment is punishable by law, but cruel, inhuman, or degrading punishment is neither prohibited nor criminalized. Article 44, moreover, maintains that no person shall be arrested, detained or prosecuted for reasons other those provided by the law and mandates that persons must be provided with the reason behind their arrest. It also holds that acts of arbitrary detention be punished and that pre-trial detention only be used as an exceptional measure. Although the Constitution holds that acts of arbitrary detention be punished and that pre-trial detention only be used as an exceptional measure, it falls short of guaranteeing the right of everyone “to liberty and the security of person.”

Finally, although articles 52 and 53 of the Constitution provide that freedom of assembly and peaceful demonstration are guaranteed and that the right to create associations are guaranteed and may be exercised by simple declaration, these rights are seriously limited in law and in practice. Similarly, while freedom of opinion and expression are enshrined in articles 51 and 52 of the Constitution, articles 54 and 55 state that freedom of the press must be exercised in “respect of the fundamental religious, moral and cultural values of the nation” and not infringe on “the legitimate interests of companies and the requirements of national security.”

National Laws and Regulations Affecting Sector

Relevant national legislation includes the following:

• • Law amending the Penal Code (Law 24-06 of April 28, 2024 amending and supplementing Ordinance no. 66-156 of June 8, 1966, on the Criminal Code) [Français]: the new and amended provisions are detrimental to the exercise of fundamental freedoms in the country and disregard numerous concerns voiced by civil society actors as well as several UN bodies. Among the most problematic amendments is the expansion of the definition of terrorism under article 87 bis, which fails to align with international standards and lacks the necessary level of legal certainty. Of particular concern is the fact that individuals may be listed on a national list of terrorist persons and entities based only on “serious corroborating evidence”, in the absence of a final judgment. Other amendments will further restrict the exercise of freedom of expression and peaceful assembly. These include provisions related to undermining the morale of the military, defaming public institutions, damaging the reputation of security services, distributing content for “propaganda purposes”, and enabling the repression of “unarmed gatherings”. The law also reinforces a repressive legal arsenal, further limiting fundamental rights in the country. One of the most controversial provisions provides for penalties ranging from five years’ imprisonment to life imprisonment for those who “divulge confidential information and documents relating to national security and/or the national economy, via social networks or to foreign countries or one of their agents”. Additional amendments further restricting the exercise of freedom of expression and peaceful assembly include provisions related to undermining the morale of the military, defaming public institutions, damaging the reputation of security services, distributing content for propaganda purposes, and repressing unarmed gatherings.
  • Law amending the Penal Code (Law 20-06 amending and completing Ordinance 66-156 of June 8, 1966, on the Penal Code) [Français]: The law contains several concerning provisions which impact freedom of association and freedom of expression and fails to meet international standards. Under this law, individuals can face prison sentences of up to seven years for receiving funds deemed a threat on vague grounds such as “national unity” or “Algeria’s fundamental interests”. In addition, the law threatens press freedom, increasing the custodial sentences for defamation, and introduces custodial sentences for the dissemination of false information. Under this law, new offenders face prison sentences of between one and three years, which doubles for repeat offenders. In addition, penalties are higher in the event that the offence takes place “at a time of a public health lockdown or a natural, biological or technological catastrophe or any other form of catastrophe”, with first time offenders potentially facing up to five years in prison.
  • Law on Associations (Law 12-06 of 2012) [Français] [عربي]: The law replaces the highly restrictive Law on Associations (Law 90-31 of 1990) [English] [عربي] [Français], but still fails to adequately guarantee the right to freedom of association consistent with Algeria’s international obligations. The new law affords the government broad discretion to refuse to register an association and suspend the activities of an association, places restrictions on the founders of associations, limits associations’ ability to receive foreign funds, imposes heavy fines and criminal penalties for members or leaders of informal associations, and fails to provide associations with an adequate remedy to appeal the rejection of their registration.
  • Law on Information (Law 12-05 of 2012) [Français]: This law replaces the 1990 media law and can be used to circumscribe journalism and access to information in several major subject areas, including national identity, sovereignty, the economy, and security. The law requires all publications to have prior approval by a media regulatory authority.  According to the Committee to Protect Journalists, at least thirty-two provisions can be used to repress free expression, and many are broadly written and could serve as a pretext for unwarranted censorship. Violations under this law can result in fines of up to 500,000 Algerian Dinars.
  • Organic law No. 23-14 on Information [Français], which came into force on August 27, 2023, contains a number of provisions that violate the right to freedom of expression. Although the law repealed any provisions contained in the pre-existing Information Code of 2012 (Law 12-05 of 2012) that contradict the new legislation, the text contains vaguely formulated standards governing the activities of journalists, stipulating they must respect “the Muslim religion, Islam in the national context, and other religions, national identity, national norms, the moral and cultural values of the nation, national sovereignty, national unity and territorial unity.” In a similar vein, the law compels journalists to refrain from publishing or disseminating “false or malicious news”, a crime already punishable with one to three years in prison under the Penal Code. Another area of concern is the ban on Algerians with dual nationality to own or hold shares in Algerian media outlets. Equally concerning, the law reiterates the existing requirement for journalists to obtain “accreditation” to work in Algeria for foreign media, and sanctions with a fine for “any person working in Algeria for a foreign media without accreditation”. In the past, the Algerian authorities have used the need for an accreditation as a way to crack down on foreign media that were deemed too critical. The new law also forbids “direct or indirect funding from a foreign entity” and subjects offenders to a fine.
  • Law on the print and electronic press No. 23-19 and Law No. 23-20 on audio-visual activities [Français]: The law on the print and electronic press provide for the creation of a regulatory authority for print and electronic media, while the law on audio-visual activities amends the status of the audio-visual regulatory authority created in 2014. The latter takes precedence over any provisions contained in law No. 14-04 of  February 24, 2014 on audiovisual activities. Both texts provide that all the members of both regulatory authorities will be appointed by the President of the Republic, which raises serious concerns about their independence. They came into force in December 2023.
  • Law on Public Meetings and Gatherings (Law 19-91 of 1990) [Français]: The law requires organizers of public marches and demonstrations in outdoor public spaces and thoroughfares to apply for prior authorization from interior ministry officials, eight days in advance of the event. Organizers of temporary public “gatherings” are required to notify officials three days in advance. The law allows those officials to deny authorization if the meeting or demonstration “opposes the national values (constantes nationales) or […] undermines the symbols of the Revolution of November 1, the public order, or morality.” This law extends to news conferences held in locations such as hotels.
  • Ordinance on the Conditions and Rules of Practice of Faiths other than Islam (Ordinance 06-03 of 2006) [Français]: The text criminalizes religious activities not regulated by the state and requires religious faiths other than Islam to be practised only in places approved by the state. It also provides fir the establishment of a national commission on religious faiths, empowered to regulate the registration of religious associations.
  • Law No. 90-14 of June 2, 1990 on the exercise of the right to organize [Français]: This law does not allow migrant workers who are regularly working in Algeria to form unions and organize. Although it provides for a declaratory procedure for the registration of unions, in practice independent unions often face the administration’s refusal to register them, creating a de facto system of approval. The Committee on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families recommended that the law be amended in their 2018 concluding observations. In 2016, the International Labor Organization recommended that Algerian authorities end the practice of preventing the registration of autonomous unions and revise section 6 of law No. 90-14 without further delay so as to “secure to all workers, without distinction as to nationality, the right to establish a trade union.” This law was replaced by Law No. 23-02 of April 25, 2023 on the exercise of the right to organize [Français]. In March 2023, the authorities passed a draft law on the exercise of the right to organize, which establishes a list of sectors deemed “sensitive” for which the right to strike may be restricted. The sectors in question could include national education, higher education, and health. The draft law also delineates the boundaries between trade unions and political practice and set out the modalities for the creation of a trade union and the conditions required for membership in one in order to put an end to “trade union transhumance”.
  • Ordinance No. 21-08 [Français]. The Ordinance came into force on June 9, 2021. The Ordinance, through its article 2, introduces two new paragraphs to article 87 bis of the Penal Code, expanding the definition of terrorism to include acts aimed at “working or inciting, by any means, whatsoever, to gain power or to change the system of governance by unconstitutional means,” and “undermining the integrity of the national territory or incite to do so, by any means whatsoever.” Article 3 of Ordinance 21-08 additionally introduces article 87 bis 13 and 14 into the Penal Code, thus establishing a national list of terrorist persons and entities in Algeria, prohibiting “the activity of the person or of the entity,” placing a travel ban on listed individuals and freezing and seizing their funds and assets. Based on article 87 bis 14, individuals can be designated as terrorists in the absence of a final court judgement, in contradiction to the principle of presumption of innocence enshrined in article 14(2) of the ICCPR.
  • Law No. 09-04 of August 5, 2009 regulating the prevention of and the fight against offences linked to Information and Communication Technologies [Français]
  • Law No. 05-01 of February 6, 2005 on the Prevention and Fight against Money Laundering and Financing of Terrorism, modified by Ordinance No. 12-02 of February 13, 2012 and approved by Law No. 12-10 of March 26, 2012 [Français]
  • Law No. 16-13 of November 3, 2016 establishing the National Council for Human Rights, its composition, and terms of appointment of its members, as well as the rules relating to its organization and functioning [Français]
  • Decree Governing the Electronic Press (Decree No. 20-332). The decree came into force on November 22, 2020 following its publication in the Official Gazette [Français]. Article 5 of the Decree introduces excessive restrictions, stating that directors responsible for online news outlets must, inter alia, hold Algerian nationality, must not have been deprived of their civil and political rights, and must not have been convicted of the crimes of defamation, insult, contempt, discrimination, or hatred and incitement to such crimes. This provision is particularly concerning because the authorities regularly press such charges against individuals peacefully exercising their right to freedom of expression. Under the decree, the director responsible for an online news outlet must ensure the respect of the provisions in Law No. 12-05, which is known as the “information code” and imposes excessive constraints on the content of sharable information (Article 13). According to CSOs, the Decree will strengthen “the control of political power over freedom of expression online”.
  • Ordinance No. 21-09 which also came into force on June 9, 2021, relates to the protection of administrative documents and information. The Ordinance classifies documents according to their degree of sensitivity and establishes punishments for the publishing or disclosure of classified documents. According to article 25 of the Ordinance, competent judicial police officers may also place invasive surveillance tools on individuals, without judicial oversight and authorization.
  • Ordinance No. 95-11 of February 25, 1995; Law No. 01-09 of June 26, 2001; Law No. 06-23 of December 20, 2006 amended article 87 bis of the Criminal Code on the list of crimes considered to be terrorist, which has been the subject of concern since the article defines the crime of terrorism in overly broad and vague terms, allowing for prosecution of acts that should be protected as acts of freedom of expression, peaceful assembly, and association.
  • Law No. 09-04 of August 5, 2009 regulating the prevention of and the fight against offences linked to Information and Communication Technologies
  • Law n° 23-02 of April 25, 2023 relating to the exercise of trade union rights [Français]: This law forbids union members from participating in political activities and unions from having any ties with political parties. The law also conditions the right to strike on “not harming the principles of the continuity of public service, the protection of people’s and property’s security,” vague concepts that authorities could interpret to arbitrarily restrict strikes.
  • Ordinance No. 06-01 of February 27, 2006 implementing the Charter for Peace and National Reconciliation [Français]: Article 45 rejects any complaint on violations committed during the internal conflict, including violations of jus cogens norms, as inadmissible before courts. Article 46 prescribes a penalty of imprisonment and a fine for any person who “attacks the institutions of the State,” or “impugns the honor of its officials or tarnishes its international reputation.” This article creates a climate of self-censorship and a chilling effect on civil society as it encompasses all form of criticism against state security forces for violations committed during the internal conflict.
  • Ordinance No. 21-08 [Français]. The Ordinance came into force on June 9, 2021. The Ordinance, through its article 2, introduces two new paragraphs to article 87 bis of the Penal Code, expanding the definition of terrorism to include acts aimed at “working or inciting, by any means, whatsoever, to gain power or to change the system of governance by unconstitutional means,” and “undermining the integrity of the national territory or incite to do so, by any means whatsoever.” Article 3 of Ordinance 21-08 additionally introduces article 87 bis 13 and 14 into the Penal Code, thus establishing a national list of terrorist persons and entities in Algeria, prohibiting “the activity of the person or of the entity,” placing a travel ban on listed individuals and freezing and seizing their funds and assets. Based on article 87 bis 14, individuals can be designated as terrorists in the absence of a final court judgement, in contradiction to the principle of presumption of innocence enshrined in article 14(2) of the ICCPR.
  • Law No. 09-04 of August 5, 2009 regulating the prevention of and the fight against offences linked to Information and Communication Technologie
  • Ordinance No. 95-11 of February 25, 1995; Law No. 01-09 of June 26, 2001; Law No. 06-23 of December 20, 2006 amended article 87 bis of the Penal Code on the list of crimes considered to be terrorist, which has been the subject of concern since the article defines the crime of terrorism in overly broad and vague terms, allowing for prosecution of acts that should be protected as acts of freedom of expression, peaceful assembly, and association.
  • Decree Governing the Electronic Press (Decree No. 20-332). The decree came into force on November 22, 2020 following its publication in the Official Gazette [Français]. Article 5 of the Decree introduces excessive restrictions, stating that directors responsible for online news outlets must, inter alia, hold Algerian nationality, must not have been deprived of their civil and political rights, and must not have been convicted of the crimes of defamation, insult, contempt, discrimination, or hatred and incitement to such crimes. This provision is particularly concerning because the authorities regularly press such charges against individuals peacefully exercising their right to freedom of expression. Under the decree, the director responsible for an online news outlet must ensure the respect of the provisions in Law No. 12-05, which is known as the “information code” and imposes excessive constraints on the content of sharable information (Article 13). According to CSOs, the Decree will strengthen “the control of political power over freedom of expression online”.
  • Ordinance No. 95-11 of February 25, 1995; Law No. 01-09 of June 26, 2001; Law No. 06-23 of December 20, 2006 amended article 87 bis of the Penal Code on the list of crimes considered to be terrorist, which has been the subject of concern since the article defines the crime of terrorism in overly broad and vague terms, allowing for prosecution of acts that should be protected as acts of freedom of expression, peaceful assembly, and association.
  • Ordinance No. 21-08 [Français]. The Ordinance came into force on June 9, 2021. The Ordinance, through its article 2, introduces two new paragraphs to article 87 bis of the Penal Code, expanding the definition of terrorism to include acts aimed at “working or inciting, by any means, whatsoever, to gain power or to change the system of governance by unconstitutional means,” and “undermining the integrity of the national territory or incite to do so, by any means whatsoever.” Article 3 of Ordinance 21-08 additionally introduces article 87 bis 13 and 14 into the Penal Code, thus establishing a national list of terrorist persons and entities in Algeria, prohibiting “the activity of the person or of the entity,” placing a travel ban on listed individuals and freezing and seizing their funds and assets. Based on article 87 bis 14, individuals can be designated as terrorists in the absence of a final court judgement, in contradiction to the principle of presumption of innocence enshrined in article 14(2) of the ICCPR.

Pending NGO Legislative / Regulatory Initiatives

1. On June 19, 2022, the Council of Ministers examined a draft Law on Associations that, if approved, would abrogate the 2012 Law on Associations, which currently subjects NGOs to a prior authorization procedure. The draft Law aims to create a declaratory regime for the creation of associations (thus removing the prior authorization requirement), as provided for in article 53 of the 2020 Algerian Constitution. However, at the same time, the text, if approved, would subject an association’s stated objectives to even more vague and imprecise general criteria, such as the “respect for national constants, principles, values enshrined in the constitution, national and territorial unity, the fundamentals of national identity, the symbols of the State and its institutions, national security and defence, public order and good morals.” In addition, cooperation with foreign organizations and the receipt of funds from abroad would be subject to prior clearance by the authorities. The text has been placed on Parliament’s agenda for the 2024-2025 ordinary session.

A revised version of the draft Law on Association has also been circulated with equally restrictive provisions. Article 8 continues to subject an association’s stated objective to vague, imprecise general criteria, such as “national unity and territorial integrity, national sovereignty, and non-interference in the internal affairs of the State are fundamental components of national identity.” The deadlines for obtaining registration receipts have been extended, thereby delaying the formal registration of associations. Regarding foreign finding, associations may accept donations and bequests from abroad and may receive project funding from foreign entities, foreign associations, or international non-governmental organizations, provided such contributions are consistent with the objectives of the association. Another article specifies that such acceptance is subject to the opinion of the Minister responsible for Foreign Affairs and to prior authorization from the Ministry of the Interior for national and inter-wilaya associations, and from the Wali for wilaya-level and commune-level associations.

In January 2025, the National Civil Society Observatory (ONSC) organized a civil society consultation on the draft :aw on Associations. However, the consultation’s impact has been undermined by the fact that the main Algerian CSOs have been dissolved in recent years, which negatively affects CSO participation in the consultation.

2. The Algerian parliament is also working on a draft Law on Political Parties, which provides that a political party that fails to take part in two consecutive elections may be dissolved by court order. This is aimed at political parties that have decided to boycott elections.

3. Lastly, Parliament is due to examine a bill setting out the conditions and procedures for the exercise of freedom of assembly and peaceful demonstration. 

Please help keep us informed; if you are aware of pending initiatives, write to ICNL at ngomonitor@icnl.org.

Most civil society entities in Algeria register and operate as associations. The 2012 Law on Associations defines associations as “individuals or legal entities” that “form a group on a contractual basis for a specific or non-specific period of time and share in a common, voluntary, and non-profit purpose.”

Religious associations, or awqaf, are governed by separate laws and are regulated by the Ministry of Religious Affairs and Awqaf. Non-Muslim religious associations are governed by Ordinance 06-03 on the Conditions and Rules of Practice of Faiths other than Islam. The National Commission for Non-Muslim Religious Services is responsible for registering and regulating these groups.

Public Benefit Status

According to Article 34 of the 2012 Law on Associations, associations regarded as “being in the general interest and/or of public utility” can receive financial aid from the government. However, the Law does not specify how to assess an association’s “public utility” or define what constitutes the “general interest,” leaving the government considerable discretion in determining an association’s eligibility. In practice, the Algerian government does not provide associations with any direct or indirect financial benefits, such as tax exemptions or public utility discounts.

Barriers to Formation

Article 53 of the 2020 Algerian Constitution guarantees “the right to create associations,” stating that this right is exercised by simple declaration. While this shift toward a notification-based system is a positive step, in practice, Algerian law still requires associations to obtain prior approval from government authorities to operate legally and imposes criminal penalties—including three to six months’ imprisonment or fines between 100,000 and 300,000 Algerian Dinars—for participation in an “unregistered” association.

The Law also creates additional obstacles to the formation and registration of associations:

• Eligibility restrictions: Only Algerian nationals of legal age who retain full civil and political rights may create, administer, or run an association. Individuals with prior convictions for offenses deemed “incompatible with the association’s activities” are barred from serving as executive members unless rehabilitated.
• High Founding Member Thresholds: Associations must meet high minimum membership requirements—10 members for local, 15 for regional, and 25 for national associations. In addition, associations must provide extensive information on their founders in their establishment documents, including the founders’ marital status, professions, residences, and copies of their police records. National groups must also provide proof that their founders come from at least 12 different regions in Algeria.
• Broad Grounds for Denial: The Law gives broad discretion to the government to refuse to register an association. For example, the government can deny registration if an association’s purposes and goals are not “in the general interest” or are contrary to Algeria’s “national principles and values, public order, morality, and the laws and regulations in force.” Although applicants may appeal a denial, the government can initiate further proceedings to annul registration entirely through a process that is neither subject to appeal nor decided by an independent judiciary.
• Administrative Obstruction: The Law requires authorities to issue a receipt when an association submits its registration documents, as well as a final registration receipt once a specified amount of time (30-60 days, depending on the type of group) has lapsed without the government rejecting the registration. In practice, however, authorities often ignore these obligations and withhold the receipts, effectively denying associations legal recognition. Without a registration receipt, an association cannot open a bank account or rent property. Many associations remain in legal limbo with the authorities failing to respond to their registration applications. This includes Amnesty International’s branch in Algeria and several other human rights organizations that have waited over five years without official acknowledgment of their applications.

While the creation of unions is also subjected to a declaration-based system of registration, in practice this system functions as an authorization-based one.

Barriers to Operations

The 2012 Law on Associations permits associations to engage in activities in “professional, social, scientific, religious, educational, cultural, sports, environmental, charitable and humanitarian” domains. Article 2 of the Law requires that an association’s purpose and goals must be “in the general interest” and be defined “with precision” at the time of registration. Associations are allowed to spend money only on activities that are directly related to these stated purposes. The Law gives the government the authority to dissolve any association that engages in activities outside the scope defined in its statute.

Associations are prohibited from having “any relationship […] whether organic or structural” with political parties or accepting gifts of any kind from them.

The law permits the government to forcibly dissolve an association or suspend its activities for interfering in the “internal affairs of the country” or posing a “threat to national sovereignty”—broad and undefined terms that grant authorities sweeping discretion to terminate an association with no judicial oversight or arbitration. Although the law requires prior warning before taking such action, this safeguard is frequently ignored in practice.

Active associations often report state interference, including surveillance, phone monitoring, and difficulties securing venues for meetings or events.

The 2012 Law on Associations also requires associations to receive prior approval from the Ministry of the Interior before entering into any cooperation agreement with an international entity. This requirement allows the government to tightly control cross-border collaboration, severely limiting Algerian associations’ ability to partner with international organizations. Senior government officials have publicly warned against meetings between local civil society actors and foreign missions, accusing them of interfering in Algeria’s internal affairs. Since 2017, Algeria has been cited in five reports of UN Secretary-General for intimidation and reprisals against those who cooperate with the UN on human rights issues.

An association is considered foreign if one director or board member is a foreign national. Although foreign associations are permitted to operate in Algeria, the Ministry of the Interior may suspend or revoke their authorization if their activities are considered a threat to “the national sovereignty, the established institutional order, the national unity or integrity of the national territory, public morality and order, or the national values of the Algerian people.” They may likewise be de-authorized for carrying out activities outside those provided for in their statutes. Additionally, a foreign association may be prohibited from operating in Algeria if its home country has not signed a bilateral agreement with Algeria.

There are several examples of the government using the 2012 Law on Associations to restrict association’s operations.

On June 29, 2022, the Administrative Court of Algiers ordered the dissolution of the Algerian League for the Defence of Human Rights (LADDH) following a complaint filed by the Ministry of the Interior. In its judgment, the Court found that LADDH had carried out activities that were not in accordance with its statutes; failed to notify the authorities of changes to its statutes and executive body in a timely manner; and failed to submit copies of the minutes of its general assembly and annual financial reports in a timely manner. The court also found that LADDH violated Article 23 of the 2012 Law by failing to seek prior approval before engaging with international organizations. The decision also referenced “the presentation of false information” to the UN Human Rights Council as well as interactions with its UN Special Procedures mandate holders. In December 2024, the Administrative Court of Appeal in Algiers upheld the court’s original decision to dissolve LADDH upon appeal.

The 2012 Law on Association was also invoked against Bel Horizon, a cultural association based in Oran known for its work in heritage preservation and tourism training. In February 2023, the Oran Administrative Court dissolved the organization, citing breaches of the Law on Associations. In early 2024, the mayor of Oran ordered the association’s premised to be sealed.

Ordinance 06-03 of 2006, which regulates the practice of non-Muslim faiths, imposes a number of administrative requirements on non-Muslim religious associations. These include mandatory registration of places of worship and a restriction on religious activity to approved sites. The ordinance also criminalizes proselytizing among Muslims on behalf of other faiths and dissemination of materials aimed at “shaking the faith of a Muslim.”

Barriers to Expression

Algerian law imposes multiple restrictions on the ability of associations to publicly express themselves. The 2012 Law on Associations requires an association’s stated objective to be in line with vague and imprecise general criteria, such as the “public interest” and “respect for national values” and “principles.”

Law on Information No. 12-05 requires all publications to be approved in advance by a media regulatory authority, limiting an association’s ability to conduct advocacy through written materials.

Presidential decrees have also criminalized speech on certain topics. Notably, Ordinance 06-01, which implements the Charter for Peace and National Reconciliation, penalizes criticism of the conduct of security forces during the internal conflict of the 1990s. Article 46 of the Ordinance prescribes imprisonment and fines for statements that attack the institutions of the state party, impugn the honor of its officials, or tarnish its international reputation. This provision has a chilling effect and creates a climate of self-censorship, particularly on associations of victims of enforced disappearances committed during Algeria’s “dark decade” that are seeking truth and justice.

The Penal Code also contains numerous provisions that restrict freedom of speech and association. Charges such as defamation and insult against public officials or institutions are frequently used to stifle the work of civil society actors.

In addition, authorities have used anti-terrorism legislation to silence peaceful dissent. Ordinance No. 21-08 broadened the definition of terrorism and provided for the establishment of a national list of terrorist persons and entities. To implement this requirement, the first terrorism list was published in the official gazette in February 2022. It includes the Rachad movement and the Movement for the Self-Determination of the Kabylie region (MAK), as well as 16 alleged members of both organizations.

At the same time, the authorities have used terrorism charges to prosecute individuals peacefully exercising their fundamental freedoms. Notable cases include the following:

• On November 16, 2024, the Algerian authorities arrested French-Algerian novelist Boualem Sansal for “undermining the integrity of national territory” under article 87 of the Penal Code.
• On August 24, 2021, Karima Nait Sid, co-president of the World Amazigh Congress, which defends the rights of the Amazigh ethnic group, was arrested and charged with “undermining national unity and state security and membership of a terrorist organization.” She was sentenced to three years in prison and was released on September 1, 2024.
• On June 14, 2020, environmental activist Mohad Gasmi was arrested and charged with “praising terrorism” in two Facebook posts. The first post called on the Algerian army to “serve the people” during the COVID-19 pandemic. The second claimed that the government’s continued marginalization of people living in southern Algeria was responsible for the armed movement, the Mouvement des Enfants du Sud pour la Justice (MSJ). On October 17, 2021, Gasmi was sentenced to five years in prison. His sentence was reduced on appeal to two years in prison in June 2022. On April 14, 2022, he was also sentenced to three years in prison for “sharing confidential information without the intent of treason and espionage.” He was released on November 1, 2024, following a presidential pardon.
• On February 18, 2022, human rights defender Zakaria Hannache was arrested for “praising terrorism” and “undermining national unity” in relation to his work documenting arbitrary arrests and prosecutions since 2019. On March 31, 2022, Hannache and 70 other prisoners of conscience were temporarily released pending trial.
• In 2021, whistleblower Mohamed Benhalima was sentenced in absentia to 20 years in prison for charges including “participation in a terrorist group” and “publishing fake news undermining national unity.” He sought asylum in Spain after learning that his name was on a list of wanted military officials at risk of detention by the Algerian army. Spain rejected his asylum application and deported him back to Algeria on March 24, 2022, despite the risks of torture and serious human rights violations he faces in the country.
• Kaddour Chouicha, Jamila Loukil, and Saïd Boudour, former members of the dissolved Algerian League for the Defense of Human Rights (LADDH), were tried for terrorism charges in December 2023. Although acquitted, the prosecutor appealed the decision.
• Mohamed Tadjadit, known in Algeria as the “poet of the Hirak,” was arrested on January 29, 2024, for “apology and incitement to terrorist acts,” “use of communication technology to support terrorist activities and organizations and the voluntary or involuntary dissemination of his ideas.” Between 2019 and 2022, he was detained four times for his participation in peaceful protests or exercising his right to freedom of expression and assembly. On November 1, 2024, he was provisionally released under a presential pardon. On January 16, 2025, however, he was arrested again in another case before being tried and sentenced to 5 years in prison.

• In January 2022, blogger and reporter Merzoug Touati was sentenced to a year in prison over social media comments.
• On June 7, 2022, Ihsane El Kadi, the director of the Algerian radio station Radio Mand of the website Maghreb Émergent, was sentenced to six months in prison for “disseminating false information,” “disrupting elections,” and “reopening the issue on the national tragedy.”  The charges were related to an article published on the Radio M website about the Rachad movement and the Hirak  He is also being prosecuted in another case for “belonging to a terrorist group,” and was arrested in December 2022 for illegal funding charges. On April 2, 2023, El Kadi was sentenced to five years in prison, including two years on probation. But in June, the Court of Appeal increased his sentence to seven years in prison, including two years on probation. He was finally released under a presidential pardon on November 1, 2024. Both Radio M and Maghreb Émergent were forced to cease operations on June 19, 2024, after the Algiers Court of Appeal ordered the dissolution of Interface Médias. The reasons for this are still under seal.

In the run-up to the presidential elections scheduled to be held on September 7, 2024, the Algerian authorities intensified their repression of dissent by the political opposition:

• On August 6, 2024, political activist Yacine Mekireche, a member of the suspended political party the Democratic and Social Movement (MDS), was arbitrarily arrested over Facebook posts.
• Fethi Ghares, the former coordinator of MDS, was arrested in August for “contempt of the president” and “dissemination of false information and hate speech through publications on social networks.”
• At least 60 political activists, most from the political party the Rally for Culture and Democracy (RCD), including its chairman Atmane Mazouz, were arrested in August.
• The terms of the judicial supervision of Karim Tabbou, a political activist and president of the unregistered Democratic and Social Union (UDS) party, were restricted further to bar him from publishing political comments or participating in debates. He had been placed under judicial supervision in May 2023 after taking part in a TV show with former Tunisian president, Moncef Marzouki.

The government increasingly imposes travel bans, known in Algeria as ISTN, on civil society activists, opposition political party leaders, journalists, unionists, and others critical of the regime. These bans, which violate the right to freedom of movement and restrict broader civil and political rights, are often issued without formal notice, are unlimited in duration, and nearly impossible to challenge. The practice is based on Article 36 bis 1 of Ordinance No. 15-02 of 2015, on the Code of Criminal Procedure, which states that “the public prosecutor may, for the purposes of an investigation, on the basis of a reasoned report by a judicial police officer, order a ban on leaving the country on any person against whom there is evidence of probable involvement in a felony or an offense.”

The right to receive and impart information is further undermined by annual internet shutdowns during national school exams, a practice that began in 2016. These disruptions affect millions who rely on internet access for work, education, and communication.

On March 7, 2023, Law No. 23-02 was adopted, governing the exercise of trade union rights. It bans union members from engaging in political activity or associating with political parties. The law also conditions the right to strike on “not harming the principles of the continuity of public service [or] the protection of people’s and property’s security,” vague concepts that authorities could interpret to arbitrarily restrict strikes.

Barriers to Resources

Under the 2012 Law on Associations, the receipt of funds from abroad are subject to prior authorization from the authorities. Article 30 of the Law prohibits associations from receiving donations, subsidies, or other contributions from any “foreign legations or non-governmental organizations” unless part of a “duly established cooperation relation” and approved by the competent authority. This significantly limits access to vital funding sources, jeopardizing the survival of many associations.

In April 2020, amendments to the Penal Code introduced by Law No. 20-06 criminalized the receipt of funds, gifts, or advantages from “a State, an institution or any other public or private body or from any legal or natural person, inside or outside the country” if intended to carry out or incite acts deemed to “undermine the security of the State, the stability and normal functioning of its institutions, national unity, territorial integrity, the fundamental interests of Algeria or public security.” The vague language provides the authorities with excessive power to prosecute activists and human rights defenders receiving foreign funding.

Violations carry penalties of five to seven years’ imprisonment and fines between 500,000 and 700,000 Algerian Dinars. If the funds are received within “the framework of an association, group, organization or agreement, regardless of is form or name,” the penalties are doubled.

On February 7, 2023, President Tebboune promulgated Law No. 23-01 amending and supplementing Law No. 05-01 on the prevention and combating of money laundering and terrorist financing. The law prohibits associations “from receiving any donations or grants considered by law as a crime or misdemeanor, from natural or legal persons or organizations or bodies involved, inside or outside the territory of the Republic, in activities related to terrorist offenses.” Given the broad scope of terrorist offenses listed in the Penal Code, this provision poses further risks to Algerian civil society organizations by enabling arbitrary application.

These laws have already been used to prosecute civil society actors. In April 2021, the Algerian authorities arrested several members of the cultural association SOS Bab El-Oued, including its president Nacer Meghnine. They were charged with receiving “foreign funding” and engaging in “subversive” activities in violation of the provisions of Law No. 20-06. On September 26, 2021, Meghnine was sentenced to eight months in prison, a term later increased to one year. He was finally released in April 2022.

Barriers to Assembly

Lack of Legal Protections

Article 52 of Algeria’s 2020 Constitution protects the freedom of assembly, stating that “[t]he freedom of expression, association, and assembly is guaranteed.” However, restrictive legislation and executive decrees have significantly curtailed Algerians’ ability to exercise this right.

In 1991, Parliament amended Law No. 89-28 of 1989 on Public Meetings and Demonstrations, narrowing the right to assemble and conduct meetings. The resulting legislation, Law No. 91-19, remains in force and continues to regulate public gatherings in Algeria. Additionally, a 2001 ban on all demonstrations in Algiers—introduced following violent clashes between protesters and police in the capital—remains in effect.

Vague Provisions

Law No. 91-19 prohibits any meeting or demonstration that “opposes national fundamental principles” or harms “the symbols of the revolution of November 1, the public order or public morals.” The Law does not provide further definitions for these terms, providing authorities with broad discretion to prohibit assemblies based on subjective interpretations of their objectives.

Advance Notification

Under Law No. 91-19, organizers of “public gatherings” must notify the authorities of their plans at least three days in advance (Articles 5, 15). The Law defines a “public gathering” as a “temporary rally of people, agreed upon beforehand and organized outside public roads in a closed place that is easy for people to join. Its purpose is the exchange of ideas or the defense of joint interests.” Authorities may prohibit such gatherings without being required to provide justification.

The Law distinguishes public gatherings from “public demonstrations,” which are defined as “processions, parades, or gatherings of people in a public manner, and all demonstrations that go through public roads.” The law requires organizers of public demonstrations to request approval from the governor at least eight days in advance. The governor is required to either approve or deny the demonstration at least five days in advance.

Appeals of administrative decisions are technically permitted under Articles 800 and 801 of the Civil and Administrative Procedure Code. However, organizers of assemblies have reported that the authorities often wait until the last minute to notify assembly organizers of a refusal, giving them no time to appeal the decision.

On May 9, 2021, the Algerian Ministry of the Interior issued a statement requiring march organizers to submit detailed information to the relevant authorities, including the names of organizers, start and end times, the planned route, and slogans to be used.

Criminal Penalties

Law No. 91-19 imposes possible criminal penalties, including imprisonment and fines, for participation in unauthorized assemblies. Article 23 states that “[a]nyone found responsible for participating in the organization of an unauthorized demonstration will get either a prison sentence ranging from three months to a year, a fine between 3,000 and 15,000 Algerian Dinars, or both.”

Article 97 of the Penal Code prohibits “unarmed gatherings,” while Article 98 states that “any unarmed person shall be punished by imprisonment of two months to one year, who is part of an armed or unarmed gathering and does not abandon it after the first summons. The imprisonment is from six months to three years if the unarmed person continued to be part of an armed gathering that has only dissipated in the face of the use of force.”

Article 100 of the Penal Code addresses “incitement to unarmed gathering,” stating that “any direct provocation to an unarmed assembly either by speeches made publicly, or by writings or printed materials posted or distributed, is punishable by an imprisonment of two months to one year, if it was followed by effect, if not, by an imprisonment of one to six months and a fine of 2,000 to 5,000 Algerian Dinars or of one of these two penalties only.”

Blanket Bans on Demonstrations

Residents of Algiers have been restricted from exercising their right to peaceful assembly since 2001, under an unpublished Presidential Decree of June 18, 2001, that bans all demonstrations in the capital. Although this decree has never been officially published, it has been consistently enforced. During Algeria’s fourth periodic review before the UN Human Rights Committee in 2018, government representatives acknowledged the existence of a general ban on protests in Algiers, citing concerns over public order and counterterrorism efforts as justification (Replies to the List of Issues, March 14, 2018, UN Doc. CCPR/C/DZA/Q/4/Add.1).

On March 17, 2020, President Abdelmadjid Tebboune imposed a nationwide ban on all protests, marches, demonstrations, and other mass gatherings in response to the COVID-19 pandemic. This measure effectively halted the weekly Hirak anti-government protests, which had persisted for over a year.

Arrests of Protesters

Since February 2019, amid the rise of the Hirak movement, authorities have further escalated restrictions on the freedom of assembly, dispersing protests nationwide and arresting participants, including journalists. Notably, journalist Khaled Drareni was sentenced to two years in prison for reporting on demonstrations.

On May 11, 2021, the Spokesperson for the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights expressed concern over “sustained reports of unnecessary and disproportionate force against peaceful protesters, as well as continuing arrests.” In a briefing note, the spokesperson reported that authorities were blocking access to demonstration sites and arbitrarily arresting individuals alleged to be protesters. Some detainees were reportedly released only after being coerced into signing pledges to cease participation in future protests.

On May 14, 2021, Algerian authorities arrested at least 16 journalists covering demonstrations in downtown Algiers. All were released the following day.