China

Last updated: 13 June 2025

Update

Chinese human rights lawyer Lu Siwei stood trial on April 18, 2025 and was sentenced to 11 months in prison. He was arbitrarily detained while transiting through Laos on his way to Thailand on July 28, 2023. Lu, who has been a staunch advocate for high-profile Chinese dissidents, was held in detention in the southwestern city of Chengdu. Family-appointed lawyers were prevented from meeting him and were informed that Lu had two lawyers arbitrarily appointed by authorities. Lu was nominated by several international human rights organizations for the 2024 Gwangju Prize for Human Rights. Please see the News Items section below in this report for additional details.

Introduction

Over the past few decades, civil society in China—and the legal framework that governs it—has grown considerably more complex. The number and diversity of nonprofit, philanthropic, and other social organizations (collectively referred to here as civil society organizations, or CSOs) have expanded rapidly. These organizations now operate across a wide range of sectors and increasingly engage in partnerships with government and business. Once situated on the margins, many CSOs are gradually becoming part of the mainstream of Chinese social and economic life.

While management of the emerging civil society sector by the Communist Party and state agencies is restrictive, regulatory systems have struggled to keep pace with the sector’s expansion. As noted by Yu Keping, a well-known scholar on civil society, the actual space for CSOs in China is much larger than the institutional space formally granted by laws and regulations [1].

The degree of state control varies widely. CSOs focused on social service delivery or other state-endorsed functions tend to face fewer restrictions. In contrast, groups engaged in advocacy, legal aid, labor rights, or religion are often perceived as threats to the state and therefore more closely monitored by Party and state authorities. Many of these organizations have been harassed or forcibly closed, and numerous civil society actors—including lawyers, journalists, academics, and bloggers—have been detained, tried, and imprisoned for their peaceful activities.

The legal foundation of this differentiated system of state control traces back to China’s 1982 Constitution and have evolved through an array of regulations introduced since the late 1980s. These regulations govern the full range of legally-registered non-profits, referred to in China as “social organizations” (shehui zuzhi, 社会组织).

[1] Yu Keping, “Civil Society in China: Concepts, Classification and Institutional Environment” in Deng Zhenglai, ed., State and Civil Society: The Chinese Perspective (Singapore: World Scientific, 2011)

This Civic Freedom Monitor (CFM) country note was made possible through the research conducted by Dr. Shawn Shieh, Director, Social Innovations Advisory (Taipei and New York), Co-founder, Freshwater Institute (Taipei), and Contributor, Rights CoLab (New York). Dr. Shieh may be reached via e-mail at: sshieh@siadvisory.org or shawn@freshwater.tw.

Organizational Forms Social Associations (SAs, shehui tuanti), which are the equivalent of membership associations; Social Service Organizations (SSOs, shehui fuwu jigou, formerly known as Civil Non-Enterprise Institutions or minban fei qiye danwei); and Foundations (jijinhui). In addition, there are many different types of informal CSOs: those registered as businesses; those attached to a legal organization; small community-based organizations; rural cooperatives; religious organizations; and networks.
Registration Body Ministry of Civil Affairs and local Civil Affairs Bureaus (for social organizations) and Provincial Public Security Departments (for overseas NGOs)
Barriers to Entry
  1. System of “dual registration” for all social organizations (according to a 2018 draft Regulation for Registration and Management of Social Organizations that has yet to be approved, dual registration will no longer be required for most foundations or for four categories of SAs and SSOs: (a) Industry or trade associations and chambers of commerce, which only applies to SAs; (b) Science and technology organizations that engage in academic research and exchange activities in the fields of natural sciences and engineering; (c) Public benefit and charitable organizations providing services such as poverty alleviation, emergency assistance, elder care, assistance to persons with disabilities, disaster relief, health care, and education; and (d) Urban and rural community service organizations that carry out activities to meet the needs of urban and rural community residents.)
  2. Extensive legal compliance and documentation requirements;
  3. New requirements for Communist Party supervision in social organizations;
  4. Broad informal prohibitions on fields of activitysuch as advocacy, labor, gender and sexuality, religion, a, nd ethnic minority affairs;
  5. Extensive discretion to deny registration.
Barriers to Activities
  1. All foreign NGO activities in China must be filed with the Public Security office for compliance with the Overseas NGO Law
  2. Broad government discretion to intervene in internal affairs of the organization;
  3. Burdensome reporting requirements;
  4. Invasive government monitoring and inspections.
Barriers to Speech and/or Advocacy The Government has discretion to limit speech and advocacy for specific organizations and types of organizations and for specific cases that might be seen to negatively impact national security.
Barriers to International Contact The Overseas NGO Law raises the barriers for NGOs legally registered outside of mainland China seeking to carry out activities in China. Chinese organizations are often required to report international contacts to authorities and must seek approval for visits, international cooperation, foreign donations, etc. Chinese organizations, particularly NGOs, that collaborate or receive funding from foreign organizations are monitored closely and sometimes harassed.
Barriers to Resources With the passage of the Charity Law and Overseas NGO Law, a clear distinction can be made between domestic and foreign resources. The Overseas NGO Law raises barriers for Chinese organizations (particularly unregistered grassroots groups) seeking foreign funding and collaboration. On the other hand, the Charity Law and the revised registration and management regulations for Foundations and other social organizations makes it somewhat easier for registered Chinese nonprofits to access domestic resources by lowering barriers to fundraising and provide greater tax incentives for donations to public benefit and charitable organizations and activities. Unregistered Chinese groups face increasing difficulty accessing both domestic and international resources.
Barriers to Assembly Assembly Law and Implementing Measures contain vague and restrictive provisions; 5 days advance notification requirement; spontaneous assemblies not permitted; onerous obligations and liabilities on organizers; excessive time, place, and manner restrictions.

Population 1,416,043,270 (2024 est.)
Capital Beijing
Type of Government One-Party State
Life Expectancy at Birth Male: 76 years (2022 est.)
Female: 81 years (2022 est.)
Literacy Rate Male: 98.6% (2020 est.)
Female: 95.6% (2020 est.)
Religious Groups Buddhist 16-18.2%, Christian 5.1-7.4%, Muslim 1.7-1.8%, folk religion 21.9-34%, Hindu < .1%, Jewish < .1%, other 0.7% (includes Daoist (Taoist)), unaffiliated 40-52.2% note: agnostic and atheist (2022 est.)
Ethnic Groups Han Chinese 91.1%, ethnic minorities 8.9% (includes Zhang, Hui, Manchu, Uighur, Miao, Yi, Tujia, Tibetan, Mongol, Dong, Buyei, Yao, Bai, Korean, Hani, Li, Kazakh, Dai, and other nationalities) (2021 est.)
GDP per capita $22,100 (2023 est., PPP)

Sources: World Bank; The World Factbook. Washington, DC: Central Intelligence Agency; U.S. State Department 2022 Report on International Religious Freedom: China

Ranking Body Rank Ranking Scale
(best – worst possible)
UN Human Development Index 75 (2023) 1 – 193
World Justice Project Rule of Law Index 95 (2024) 1 – 142
Transparency International 76 (2024) 1 – 180
Foreign Policy: Fragile States Index 99 (2024) 179 – 1
Freedom House: Freedom in the World Status: Not Free
Political Rights: -2
Civil Liberties: 11 (2024)
Free/Partly Free/Not Free
0 – 40
0 – 60
Civicus: People Power Status: Closed (2024) closed, repressed, obstructed, narrowed or open

International and Regional Human Rights Agreements

Key International Agreements Ratification* Year
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) No
Optional Protocol to ICCPR (ICCPR-OP1) No
International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) Yes 2001
Optional Protocol to ICESCR (OP-ICESCR) No
International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD) Yes 1981
Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) Yes 1980
Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women No
Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) Yes 1992
International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of their Families (ICRMW) No
Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) Yes 2008

* Category includes ratification, accession, or succession to the treaty

Constitutional Framework

The Constitution of the People’s Republic of China (1982, as amended) includes the following relevant provisions which relate to the nonprofit, charitable and philanthropic sector:

Article 1 
The People’s Republic of China is a socialist state under the people’s democratic dictatorship led by the working class and based on the alliance of workers and peasants.
The socialist system is the basic system of the People’s Republic of China. Disruption of the socialist system by any organization or individual is prohibited.

Article 2
All power in the People’s Republic of China belongs to the people.
The National People’s Congress and the local people’s congresses at various levels are the organs through which the people exercise state power.
The people administer state affairs and manage economic, cultural and social affairs through various channels and in various ways in accordance with the law.

Article 5 
The People’s Republic of China governs the country according to law and makes it a socialist country ruled by law.
The state upholds the uniformity and dignity of the socialist legal system.
No laws or administrative or local rules and regulations may contravene the Constitution.
All state organs, the armed forces, all political parties and public organizations and all enterprises and institutions must abide by the Constitution and the law. All acts in violation of the Constitution or the law must be investigated.
No organization or individual is privileged to be beyond the Constitution or the law.

Article 28 
The state maintains public order and suppresses treasonable and other criminal activities that endanger state security; it penalizes criminal activities that endanger public security and disrupt the socialist economy, as well as other criminal activities; and it punishes and reforms criminals.

Article 33 
All persons holding the nationality of the People’s Republic of China are citizens of the People’s Republic of China.
All citizens of the People’s Republic of China are equal before the law.
The state respects and guarantees human rights.
Every citizen is entitled to the rights and at the same time must perform the duties prescribed by the Constitution and the law.

Article 35 
Citizens of the People’s Republic of China enjoy freedom of speech, of the press, of assembly, of association, of procession and of demonstration.

Article 36 
Citizens of the People’s Republic of China enjoy freedom of religious belief.
No state organ, public organization or individual may compel citizens to believe in, or not to believe in, any religion; nor may they discriminate against citizens who believe in, or do not believe in, any religion.
The state protects normal religious activities. No one may make use of religion to engage in activities that disrupt public order, impair the health of citizens or interfere with the educational system of the state.
Religious bodies and religious affairs are not subject to any foreign domination.

Article 50 
The People’s Republic of China protects the legitimate rights and interests of Chinese nationals residing abroad and protects the lawful rights and interests of returned overseas Chinese and of the family members of Chinese nationals residing abroad.

Article 51
Citizens of the People’s Republic of China, in exercising their freedoms and rights, may not infringe upon the interests of the state, of society or of the collective, or upon the lawful freedoms and rights of other citizens.

Article 52
It is the duty of citizens of the People’s Republic of China to safeguard the unification of the country and the unity of all its ethnic groups.

Article 53 
Citizens of the People’s Republic of China must abide by the Constitution and the law, keep state secrets, protect public property, observe labor discipline and public order and respect social ethics.

Article 54 
It is the duty of citizens of the People’s Republic of China to safeguard the security, honor and interests of the motherland; they must not commit acts detrimental to the security, honor and interests of the motherland.

National Laws and Regulations Affecting Sector

Many of the key national laws and regulations affecting the sector are as follows, although this list is not exhaustive. For additional information, see Ministry of Civil Affairs and U.S. International Grantmaking.

In addition to the laws above that directly regulate the sector, there are a number of other laws and regulations in other sectors that are relevant because they were drafted with input from civil society groups and have important implications for civil society groups. Below are two recent examples:

The Anti-Domestic Violence Law (反家庭暴力法, also translated as the Domestic Violence Law) was approved by the NPC Standing Committee in July 2015—the same session in which the National Security Law was approved—and went into effect on March 1, 2016. The law is one of the few pieces of legislation in which we can see the contribution of civil society groups, which have pushed for this law for the last decade. It has been in development for years and its passage makes an issue that was long viewed as a private matter a responsibility of the state.

An Environmental Law was approved by the 12th NPC on April 24, 2014 and took effect in 2015. It lowered the barrier for NGOs to file public interest lawsuits. A previous draft had only allowed a few NGOs to file public interest lawsuits, but the final draft contained more liberal language that allowed any NGO registered with Civil Affairs at the city level or above to file a public interest lawsuit. That interpretation was later affirmed by the Supreme People’s Court. Soon after the Environmental Law went into effect, two well-known grassroots environmental NGOs filed a public interest lawsuit in Nanping city, suing four individuals for harmful mining activities in the area. That lawsuit was accepted by the Nanping Intermediate Court on January 1, 2015.

(Note: English-language translations of these laws can be found either on ChinaLawTranslate or China Development Brief’s website).

Pending NGO Legislative / Regulatory Initiatives

1. Draft Regulation for Registration and Management of Social Organizations (Original in Chinese; English Translation)

In June and September 2016, draft regulations governing the registration and management of the three different types of social organizations – Social Associations (SAs), Social Service Organizations (SSOs) and Foundations – were issued for public comment. These draft regulations were revisions of three earlier regulations that formed the heart of the regulatory system governing China’s social organizations: the “Regulations for the Registration and Management of Social Groups”, which were issued on October 25, 1998; the “Provisional Regulations on the Registration and Management of Civil Non-enterprise Units”, which were issued on October 25, 1998; and the “Foundation Management Regulations”, which were issued on March 8, 2004. They specify which government bodies are responsible for their registration and management, the registration requirements and procedures, the internal governance of the organization, their legal responsibilities, and so on.

It has been well over 10 years since any of these regulations have been revised, and many experts have been expecting them to be revised, particularly after the passage of the Charity Law. Yet the draft regulations issued in 2016 for public comment were pending for more than two years and never appeared in their final form. The mystery came to an end in August of 2018 when the Ministry of Civil Affairs issued a single draft regulation that combined all three of the earlier regulations into one for public comment.

This draft regulation has attracted quite a bit of attention among academics, practitioners and commentators because of its importance. While the regulation preserved parts of the 2016 revisions, such as allowing four categories of social organizations to register directly without a PSU, other parts of the regulation were criticized for defining “charity” and “public welfare” too narrowly, for prohibiting social organizations from engaging in “for-profit, business activities”, and for not lowering some of the registration requirements to make it easier for smaller, community foundations to register. Some experts have noted that the Ministry of Civil Affairs only gave less than 30 days for the public to send in comments. They therefore called for the public comment period to be lengthened given the importance of this regulation.

Finally, the draft regulation includes articles on the need for social organizations to establish Communist Party organizations and carry out Party activities. Social organizations are required to prepare the conditions and provide a workplan for setting up such Party Organizations. None of this language requiring Party organizations was in the Charity Law or in the previous social organization regulations.

2.Draft Regulation for Registration and Management of Social Organizations

Recent news articles suggest that the draft Regulation for Registration and Management of Social Organizations has been delayed. It has been nearly three years since the Regulation was issued by the Ministry of Civil Affairs in August 2018 for public comment, and it is not clear why there is a delay, except for the news articles themselves and recent policy documents, such as the Notice on Eliminating the Breeding Grounds for Illegal Social Organizations and Cleansing the Ecological Space for Social Organizations (March 20, 2021) (original in Chinese, English translation). They suggest the political forces favor greater supervision and control of social organizations to make it more difficult for them to register. The news articles further suggest a bureaucratic reason for the delay, revealing for the first time that the Ministry of Civil Affairs is cooperating with the Ministry of Justice in drafting the Regulation. In the past, the Ministry of Civil Affairs drafted these regulations, so it is unclear why the Ministry of Justice is now involved or what it means for the content of the Regulation.

For a fuller discussion of the Charity Law and its implementing regulations, see ICNL’s Philanthropy Law Report and accompanying resources which include FAQs about the Charity Law. For a more detailed discussion of the ONGO Law, see ICNL’s Philanthropy Law Report and accompanying resources which include FAQs about the ONGO Law.

Organizational Forms

CSOs in China are officially referred to as social organizations (shehui zuzhi, 社会组织), and fall into three main legal categories:

  • Social associations (SAs, shehui tuanti,

As of the end of 2023, there were 881,617 registered social organizations, comprising approximately 373,000 SAs, 499,000 SSOs, and 9,617 foundations. These figures indicate a slight decline in overall numbers in recent years, with the exception of foundations, which have remained stable or grown.

In addition to these three legal forms, the Charity Law, which went into effect on September 1, 2016, introduced two additional legal arrangements for carrying out charitable activities:

  1. Charitable organization status (cishan zuzhi, 慈善组织): This status can be granted to any lawfully established nonprofit organization whose main purpose is “carrying out charitable activities” and that does not have a “profit making purpose” (Article 8-9). A social organization can obtain charitable organization status in two ways: during the initial process of registration; or by applying according to the procedures in the Measures for the Designation of Charitable Organizations (issued in September 2016). As of September 2023, over 13,000 organizations had been granted charitable organization status.
  2. Charitable trusts(cishan xintuo, 慈善信托): While charitable trusts were first recognized under the 2001 Trust Law, ambiguity around their regulation and taxation hindered their development. The 2016 Charity Law clarified the legal framework, specifying management requirements and tax provisions, which significantly boosted interest in charitable trusts. Article 45 of the Charity Law requires charitable trusts to “file documents for the record” (bei’an) with the Civil Affairs authorities in order to qualify for tax benefits. As a result of these reforms, the number of charitable trusts has grown quickly, from 53 in 2019 to 1,184 by the end of 2022, with a total value exceeding CNY 5.16 billion (approximately $767.7 million), according to the China Charitable Trust Development Report 2022.

In addition to these legal forms, a significant number of entities register as for-profit businesses or operate without legal registration. Some unregistered groups gain legal status by attaching themselves to other legal entities such as social organizations or public institutions (e.g., universities and research institutes). Although these groups are not legally classified as nonprofits, in practice they function as voluntary, nongovernmental, not-for-profit, mission driven, and self-governing organizations that are founded by and governed by private individuals. Many rely on foreign funding from governments, embassies, international organizations, and foundations. To maintain credibility, they often document the not-for-profit nature of their activities in reports to donors.

Estimates of the number of such informal CSOs vary widely, ranging from a few hundred thousand to a few million, depending on the definition used. Broader estimates may include Party-controlled mass organizations, such as the Communist Youth League and Women’s Federation and their local branches, and rural cooperatives.

A substantial portion of legally registered CSOs—especially SAs and foundations—were either created by the government or maintain close ties with government agencies. These are often referred to as government-organized NGOs (GONGOs). In contrast, informal CSOs are generally more grassroots and independent from the state.

Another relevant organizational form is the public institution or public service unit (shiye danwei, 事业单位), which includes government-established entities such as universities, research institutes, and hospitals. These quasi-governmental agencies are generally formed by the government and staffed with government employees. They are a legacy of China’s centrally-planned system set up during the 1950s. Though not traditional CSOs, they are included in this report because they frequently receive foreign funding and are subject to some of the same tax rules as social organizations. China is currently planning to carry out a reform of public institutions by privatizing a portion of them and turning them into social organizations.

The Ministry of Civil Affairs is the primary registration body for CSOs in China. CSOs that operate as for-profit businesses register through the State Administration for Industry and Commerce to operate with more flexibility. International CSOs register with the Ministry of Public Security.

For more detailed analysis, see:

  • Andrew Watson, “Civil Society in a Transitional State: The Rise of Associations in China,” in Jonathan Unger, ed., Associations and the Chinese State (M.E. Sharpe , 2008)
  • Guosheng Deng, “The Hidden Rules Governing China’s Unregistered NGOs: Management and Consequences,” The China Review, 10:1 (Spring, 2010);
  • ICNL’s infographic, the Universe of Chinese NGOs, and graphs showing the growth of foundations and social organizations.

Public Benefit Status

Chinese law distinguishes between CSOs that serve charitable or public benefit purposes and those with other aims.

Under the 2016 Charity Law, SAs, SSOs, and foundations can apply for charitable status. (Implementing regulations currently being drafted may automatically consider foundations to be charitable organizations, but SAs and SSOs will need to apply separately for this status.) To obtain charitable status, an organization must submit an application to the Civil Affairs Department, either at the national or local level. According to Article 9 of the Charity Law, a charitable organization must meet the following requirements:

  • Aim to carry out charitable activities;
  • Not have the goal of making a profit;
  • Possess a name and address;
  • Have an organizational charter;
  • Have necessary financial assets;
  • Have an organizational structure and person in charge in accordance with the requirements;
  • Meet other conditions stipulated by laws and administrative regulations.

Article 3 of the Charity Law defines “charitable activities” as public interest activities voluntarily carried out by natural persons, legal persons, and other organizations through the donation of property. These activities include:

  • Helping the poor and the needy;
  • Assisting the elderly, orphans, the ill, the disabled, and providing special care;
  • Alleviating losses incurred by natural disasters, accidents, public health incidents, and other emergencies;
  • Promoting the development of education, science, culture, health, sports, and other causes;
  • Preventing and alleviating pollution and other public hazards, protecting and improving the eco-environment;
  • Other public interest activities in accordance with this law.

Barriers to Formation

CSOs in China face extensive barriers to entry based in policy, practice, and regulation. While the 2016 Charity Law and revised drafts of registration and management regulations for social organizations will ease some restrictions, they may also introduce new constraints. The analysis below is primarily based on the existing regulations and will be updated as implementing rules for the Charity Law and the revised registration and management regulations for social organizations are rolled out over the next few years. For more resources on the Charity Law, see ICNL’s Philanthropy Law Report and accompanying resources, which include an FAQ about the Charity Law.

Registration procedures for CSOs remain complex and cumbersome, with extensive documentation and approval requirements. Many organizations are required to operate under a “dual management” system, requiring sponsorship from a “professional supervising unit,” such as a government ministry or provincial government agency, before seeking registration and approval from the Ministry of Civil Affairs in Beijing or a local civil affairs bureau. They remain under the control of both agencies throughout their organizational life. In practice, obtaining such sponsorship is difficult, particularly for groups without strong connections in the government that are operating in sensitive sectors such as advocacy, legal aid, labor, religion, and ethnic minority affairs.

Broad legal clauses in the Charity Law bar the registration of groups perceived to oppose the state and/or Party. For example:

  • Article 4 mandates that charitable activities must be lawful, voluntary, honest, and non-profit, and must not violate social morality, endanger national security, or harm societal public interests or the lawful rights and interests of other persons.
  • Article 5 indicates that the government encourages and supports natural persons, legal persons, and other organizations in legally carrying out charitable activities that represent the core values of socialism and promote the traditional morals of the Chinese nation.

Other regulations further constrain entry. Under the Regulations on the Registration and Management of Social Associations (1999), applicant organizations must have:

  • A minimum of 50 individual or 30 institutional members;
  • A fixed location;
  • Staff with appropriate qualifications; and
  • Minimum assets of CNY 100,000 (currently $9,500) for national organizations and CNY 30,000 ($2,800) for local organizations.

To apply for legal status, organizations must submit a wide array of organizational documents to the registration and management agency.

Government agencies may rely on a wide array of reasons to deny registration. Furthermore, the Regulations on the Registration and Management of Social Associations (1999) and the Interim Regulations on the Registration and Administration of Civil Non-Enterprise Institutions (CNIs) (1998) both stipulate that SOs and CNIs cannot establish branch organizations or offices in other regions.  The revisions of these regulations that are currently being drafted will relax some of these requirements, but not do away with them completely.

After registration, an organization must navigate separate approval processes to obtain an official seal, open a bank account, establish a branch or subsidiary; modify its registration or amend its charter; or change its legal representative, among other actions. The government also has broad discretionary authority to shut down social organizations under the Interim Measures for Banning Illegal Non-Governmental Organizations (2000).

For some types of nonprofits, such as SAs and SSOs, regulations allow the government to bar the establishment of more than one organization in a field in any particular locality in order to prevent duplication, overlap, and competition and to maintain ties between such groups and their governmental sponsors. [2]

Given these challenges—including the dual management system, complicated registration and approval processes, onerous reporting requirements, and the opportunity for frequent government intrusion into organizational matters—many groups choose to register as for-profit business or operate without formal registration. According to the Interim Measures for Banning Illegal Non-Governmental Organizations, however, unregistered nonprofits are considered illegal, making them especially vulnerable to state control.

Over the last few years, local governments have piloted reforms aimed at lowering barriers to entry by reforming the dual management system for certain categories of social organizations. In most cases, this reform involves doing away with the requirement for social organizations to obtain the sponsorship of a professional supervising unit.

These reforms have informed national policy. Under the 2016 Charity Law, and in the registration and management regulation for SAs, SSOs, and foundations that are currently being drafted, the “dual management system” will be removed for four categories of organizations: trade associations and chambers of commerce, science and technology associations, public benefit and charitable organizations, and urban and rural community organizations. As a result, these types of organizations will be able to register directly with the Ministry of Civil Affairs without getting sponsorship of a “professional supervising unit.”

Barriers to Operations

Operational barriers for CSOs in China vary, largely depending on how the activities are viewed by the party-state. Generally, nonprofits engaged in social services and charitable work are viewed more favorably than those engaged in advocacy and rights-based activism.

The regulatory framework also allows for significant government intervention and interference. Government intervention in operational matters can take many forms, including:

  • Raising questions about the appointment of directors, trustees, or senior staff;
  • Restricting allowable activities based on the government-approved organizational application or charter;
  • Micromanaging banking arrangements;
  • Using tax laws to undertake investigations of operational activities and terminate organizational activities;
  • Harassing organizations by exerting pressure through the organization’s landlord or utility company;
  • Burdensome reporting requirements; and
  • Intensive monitoring of activities that are considered sensitive by the party and state by security forces, including the Ministry of Public Security and the Ministry of State Security.

Under President Xi Jinping’s administration (2013 – present), civil society has experienced a sharp upturn in repression by the police and security forces. Many independent CSOs and law firms have been harassed and forced to close, and their staff and leaders interrogated, detained, and sometimes imprisoned. Notable cases include:

  • In 2013, Xu Zhiyong, founder of the Open Constitution Initiative (Gongmeng) and one of the leaders of the New Citizens’ Movement, was arrested and charged with “gathering a crowd to disturb public order” after publicly calling for Chinese officials to disclose their assets as a way to fight corruption. He was sentenced to four years in prison.
  • In 2014-15, several staff and board members of Yirenping, one of China’s foremost anti-discrimination CSOs, were interrogated and detained. As a result of this ongoing repression, Yirenping had to close most of its offices in China.
  • In December 2015, a major crackdown on labor groups in South China was carried out. Police targeted the Panyu Workers Center, which had been carrying out pathbreaking work on collective bargaining. Dozens of labor activists were interrogated and three staff of the Panyu Workers Center were detained and later tried.
  • In January 2016, Guo Jianmei, one of China’s best-known women’s rights advocates, was ordered to close down Zhongzhe Women’s Legal Counseling Center allegedly for accepting foreign funds.
  • Also in early 2016, police detained Peter Dahlin, a Swedish national and director of a CSO that organized trainings for lawyers and provided funding to Chinese rights defenders. State media accused his CSO of “jeopardizing China’s national security” and he was forced to confess on state television before being deported.
  • In December 2018, police in Chengdu, the provincial capital of Sichuan, raided the Early Rain Covenant Church, detained its pastor, Wang Yi, and took hundreds of church members into custody before eventually criminally detaining at least 20 members.
  • In July 2019, State Security detained three anti-discrimination advocates—known as the Changsha Three—on suspicion of “subversion of state power.” They are currently being held in the Hunan Provincial State Security Bureau Detention Center in Changsha and have been denied visits by lawyers and families.
  • In the first two months of 2020, police rounded up a number of people associated with an early December 2019 meeting in Xiamen where China’s democratic future was discussed. Some were released but Xu Zhiyong, Ding Jiaxi, and others remained in detention. On April 10, 2023, Xu and Ding were sentenced to 14 years and 12 years respectively for “subversion of state power.” (Source: Human Rights Watch)

In addition to these enforcement actions, additional regulations have been issued to further restrict nonprofit operations:

  • 2016 regulations require social organizations to initiate [Communist] “party construction work” and require them to submit to supervision by Communist Party groups.
  • 2018 regulations incorporate social organizations into the credit management system. Nonprofits that have poor credit records may be included on a blacklist that could lead to greater supervision and deny them opportunities to apply for financial support.
  • In March 2021, a Notice on Eliminating the Breeding Grounds for Illegal Social Organizations and Cleansing the Ecological Space for Social Organizations (see Section 8) was issued. This policy calls on public and private actors—including companies, public institutions, social organizations, media organizations, internet platforms, financial institutions, party members, and the public—not to associate with unregistered or “illegal” social organizations.
  • In March 2023, the Communist Party of China’s Central Committee and the State Council announced a planto create a Central Social Affairs Department to supervise party construction work within both private sector entities and social organizations. This signals continued centralization of control over civil society actors.

[2] See, e.g., the Regulations on the Registration and Management of Social Organizations (1999), Art. 13(2).

Foreign NGOs Operating in China

The Law of the People’s Republic of China on the Administration of Activities of Overseas Nongovernmental Organizations in the Mainland of China (commonly referred to as the Overseas NGO Law or ONGO Law) established a stringent legal framework for foreign NGOs operating in mainland China. The law, which came into effect on January 1, 2017, defines overseas NGOs (ONGOs) as nonprofit, non-governmental social organizations legally established outside of mainland China—including in Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macau.

The law introduces significant barriers to cooperation between ONGOs and Chinese entities. Most notably, it shifts regulatory authority from the Ministry of Civil Affairs to the Ministry of Public Security—China’s principal internal security agency—marking a shift from administrative oversight to a security-oriented approach.

Under the ONGO Law, foreign NGOs may legally operate in China through only two channels:

  1. Registering a representative office in China; or
  2. Filing “documentation for the record” (bei’an) to carry out “temporary activities” in mainland China lasting no longer than one year. This requires an ONGO to have a Chinese partner and file materials about their collaboration and any necessary approvals with the Public Security office. They are also required to file reports on their activities to Public Security.

Article 9 of the ONGO Law explicitly prohibits ONGOs from engaging in activities—directly or indirectly—without going through one of the two authorized legal channels:

“ONGOs that do neither of these are not allowed to carry out activities either openly or covertly, or to authorize, fund or covertly authorize any Chinese work unit or individual to carry out activities.”

While the law does legitimize the status of ONGOs in China and establishes a formal channel between ONGOs and the government, it is highly restrictive and effectively bars Chinese organizations and individuals from cooperating with unregistered ONGOs.

For more resources for understanding the ONGO Law, see ICNL’s Philanthropy Law Report and accompanying resources which include FAQs about the ONGO Law.

In addition to these legal barriers, a number of extra-legal barriers restrict international contact. Chinese organizations have generally been required to report international contacts to authorities and, in some cases, obtain prior approval for certain kinds of visits, international cooperation, foreign donations, and other contact with foreign organizations or donors. Moreover, Chinese organizations that collaborate with or receive funding from foreign organizations are monitored closely and sometimes harassed. The State Security Ministry established an office several years ago to monitor both domestic and international NGO affairs. Foreign NGOs are regularly accused by Chinese media of supporting activities that undermine social stability and national security.

While the ONGO Law is the single greatest barrier to international NGOs carrying out activities in China, two recent trends pose additional challenges.

First, nationalism and authoritarianism have risen under the current leader, Xi Jinping. One manifestation of this is the National People’s Congress’ passage on June 30, 2020, of the National Security Law (NSL) for Hong Kong, which imposes criminal penalties for collusion with foreign powers or external elements that endanger national security.

Second, tensions between China and the United States and other Western countries have grown in response to China’s hardline response to its Uyghur ethnic minority population in the province of Xinjiang and protests in Hong Kong. For example:

  • In April 2019, the party-state’s mouthpiece, the People’s Daily, published an article detailing the case of two foreign NGOs that posed threats to China’s “political security.”
  • In July 2019, an article appeared in a party-run paper in Shanghai accusing several U.S. NGOs of being behind the massive protests taking place in Hong Kong against a controversial extradition law.
  • After President Trump signed the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act in November 2019, the Chinese government announced that it would impose sanctions on five U.S. NGOs with offices in Hong Kong: Freedom House, Human Rights Watch, National Endowment for Democracy, International Republican Institute, and National Democratic Institute. Soon after, the Chinese Foreign Ministry announcedthe first investigation and penalty directed at a U.S.-based NGO, Asia Catalyst, for violating the Overseas NGO Law.

Barriers to Expression

Legal, administrative, and political barriers increasingly inhibit meaningful public expression and participation in China. A gap between constitutional guarantees of fundamental freedoms and the application of special regulations enables the state to exercise broad discretion in limiting speech, assembly, and advocacy by specific organizations and types of organizations—particularly when these activities are seen as harmful to national security.

These restrictions are enforced through a combination of legal tools including administrative decrees, such as the regulations governing social organizations and other kinds of groups. Additional regulatory barriers may restrict nonprofit organizations from engaging in policy advocacy, either by favoring government-affiliated groups or interpreting such activities as outside the scope of their officially approved activities or organizational charter. Barriers to organizational activity, such as those discussed above, may also restrict speech, assembly and advocacy.

Under President Xi Jinping, restrictions on freedom of expression have intensified. Human rights lawyers, civil society advocates, and bloggers who engage in public-interest advocacy have been subject to increasing surveillance, detention, and criminal charges. Universities, traditional media, social media platforms, and NGOs have all come under tighter ideological control.

One of the most visible crackdowns occurred in late 2018, when scores of workers protesting their dismissal from Jasic Technology Company in Shenzhen were detained along with university graduates who supported their cause.

Universities and nonprofit organizations have also had to submit to greater Communist Party supervision and control and demonstrate their loyalty to the Party through party-building activities. In September 2022, the Ministry of Civil Affairs held its first training session for leaders of national CSOs. The session emphasized the importance of aligning their activities with state priorities and enhancing political loyalty. An official leading the session explicitly instructed participants to ensure their work supported government objectives.

These trends have had a chilling effect on civil society. They have discouraged rights-based advocacy, silenced critical voices, and created a climate of self-censorship among CSOs, intellectuals, and activists.

Barriers to Resources

Recent legislative and regulatory developments in China have created contrasting trends in CSOs’ access to resources: while foreign funding has been subject to heightened restrictions, opportunities for domestic fundraising, particularly through online platforms and tax incentives, have expanded.

Over the last few years, Chinese authorities have significantly tightened oversight of foreign funding of CSOs. Regulatory changes have been accompanied by official rhetoric and media messaging that cast foreign-funded CSOs as potential threats to national security and social stability.

A key development was the issuance of Notice No. 63 by the State Administration of Foreign Exchange in early 2010. The notice, titled “On Issues Concerning the Administration of Foreign Exchange Donated to or by Domestic Institutions,” introduced more complex compliance requirements for domestic nonprofits receiving foreign donations, including a need to submit:

  • an application attesting to the authority of the domestic organization and the foreign donor;
  • the domestic group’s business license;
  • a notarized donation agreement between the domestic group and the foreign donor organization describing the purpose of the donation; and
  • a registration certificate for the foreign nonprofit group.

While many organizations have continued to access foreign funding, the process has become more burdensome. Some organizations receiving support from foreign organizations that are perceived as sensitive because of their “democracy promotion” work—such as the National Endowment for Democracy, the Open Society Foundation, and the International Republican Institute—have faced heightened scrutiny and, in some cases, operational disruptions. [3]

The Overseas NGO Law, which went into effect on January 1, 2017, imposed additional barriers to foreign resources. It requires all foreign NGOs operating in China to report on their Chinese partners, funding sources, and project activities to the public security apparatus. This requirement disproportionately affects grassroots organizations, many of which are unregistered or registered as businesses, and are thus ineligible to receive foreign funding under the law. As a result, numerous foreign NGOs have confirmed that they are no longer able to legally collaborate with or fund such partners.

In contrast to these increased restrictions, recent legal reforms have opened up new pathways for nonprofits to raise funds domestically. The 2016 Charity Law, along with draft revisions to regulations on the  registration and management of social organizations, expand the pool of nonprofits that can engage in public fundraising and encourage philanthropy through tax incentives. In the past, public fundraising—understood to include funding appeals through the media, in public spaces, and online—was restricted to a small number of organizations generally with close ties to the government. These included government agencies, such as the Ministry of Civil Affairs; officially designated organizations such as the Chinese Red Cross and China Charity Federation; and public fundraising foundations. Other organizations, including non-public fundraising foundations, SAs, and SSOs, were not allowed to engage in public fundraising.

Under the new legislation, there will be no distinction between public and non-public fundraising foundations, and all nonprofit organizations, including SAs and SSOs, will be allowed to apply for public fundraising status after two years of operation. In addition, the Charity Law calls for more generous tax incentives to encourage charitable giving.

Another notable policy shift came with the May 21, 2020, “Announcement on Matters Concerning the Pre-Tax Deduction of Public Welfare Donations,” issued jointly by the Ministry of Civil Affairs, Ministry of Finance, and the State Administration of Taxation. The Announcement created a more streamlined process for social organizations to qualify for tax deductions on public welfare donations. Tax deductibility will also be valid for three years, instead of just one, and will be recognized nationwide. To qualify, social organizations need to maintain at least a 3A rating (with the highest rating being 5A) in their evaluation and comply with the provisions on expenditures and management fees specified in the Charity Law.

The rapid growth of online fundraising/crowdsourcing platforms over the last few years has also opened up new channels for Chinese CSOs to access resources. As of 2021, there were 20 online platforms certified by the Ministry of Civil Affairs. In 2018 alone, these platforms raised more than CNY 3.17 billion (about $461 million) for 1,400 charitable organizations. The vast majority of funds were raised through three platforms owned by major tech companies: Tencent Charity, Ant Financial, and Alibaba Charity. In 2022, ten new online fundraising platforms were certified, including charity platforms established by major companies such as ByteDance, Xiaomi, BiliBili, China Mobile, Ctrip, and Ping An. To regulate this emerging sector, the Ministry of Civil Affairs has issued two industry standards: the “Charity Organizations’ Internet Public Fundraising Platform Basic Management Rules” and the “Charity Organizations’ Internet Public Fundraising Platform Basic Technological Rules.”

Barriers to Assembly

Vague Provisions
Both the Assembly Law and the Implementing Measures contain vague and restrictive provisions, and give enforcement authorities a great deal of authority and discretion. For example, Article 12 of the Law prohibits assemblies that might “oppose cardinal principles in the Constitution,” although those principles are never specified. The Law also makes it difficult to hold assemblies related to territorial and ethnic minority issues. There is also a broad clause prohibiting assemblies that will harm “public security and public order,” without any qualifying provisions.

Maximum Numbers of Participants
There is no maximum number of participants in the Assembly Law, but various local regulations may define a specific limit. In Beijing, NGOs cited 50 and 200 as ceilings that they have heard of by word of mouth, but they could not cite specific regulations containing those limits. A 2002 Human Rights Watch report titled “Dangerous Meditation: China’s Campaign Against Falun Gong” states that “On November 24, 1999, the Ministry of Public Security issued new public assembly regulations prohibiting gatherings of 200 or more for mass cultural and sporting activities, such as concerts, sports meets, and public exercise sessions such as qigong practice without explicit police approval, citing an article, “China to regulate mass gatherings,” from BBC Worldwide Monitoring (November 24, 1999). It is important to note, however, that Article 2 of the Assembly Law states that the Law “does not apply to recreational or sports activities, normal religious activities or traditional folk events.” This suggests that there may be additional regulations issued at the local level by Public Security offices concerning other types of assembly.

Notification
Article 8 of the Assembly Law states that “the responsible person(s) must submit an application in writing to the competent authorities five days prior to the date of the activity.” The regulatory authority is required to give a response two days prior to the activity. According to Article 9:
… after receiving an application for an assembly, a procession or a demonstration, the competent authorities shall inform the responsible person(s) in writing of their decision to grant or not to grant permission two days prior to the date of the activity applied for. If no permission is granted, the reasons thereof shall be given. Failure to serve notice within the time limit shall be construed as the granting of permission.

The Assembly Law does, however, provide for last-minute applications in the event of an unexpected occurrence. Article 9 states:
If an assembly, a procession or a demonstration is truly necessitated by unexpected occurrences, a report must be made immediately to the competent authorities: upon receiving the report, the competent authorities shall immediately examine it and decide to grant or not to grant permission.

The law does not address counter-demonstrations. However, spontaneous assemblies are not permitted. Article 29 of the Assembly Law states:
In a case where no application has been made for an assembly, a procession or a demonstration in accordance with the provisions of this Law or no permission has been granted for the application or where it is conducted not in accordance with the starting and finishing time, places and routes permitted by the competent authorities, when the disbanding order is disobeyed and public order seriously undermined, the person(s) responsible for, the assembly, procession or demonstration and the person(s) who is directly responsible shall be investigated for criminal responsibility in accordance with the provisions of Article 158 of the Criminal Law.

Obligations of Organizers
The Assembly Law places a number of onerous obligations and liabilities on the organizers of assemblies.  For example, Article 25 of the Assembly Law states:
The person(s) responsible for an assembly, a procession or a demonstration must assume responsibility for maintaining the order thereof and strictly guard against participation by others. The person(s) responsible for an assembly, a procession or a demonstration shall, when necessary, appoint special personnel to assist the people’s police in maintaining order. The personnel responsible for the maintenance of order shall wear identification marks.

In addition, Article 28 of the Assembly Law states that “the police may punish by warning or by criminal detention of not more than 15 days the organizers if the assembly involves one of the following circumstances:
(1)  failure to make an application in accordance with the provisions of this Law or to obtain permission for the application; or
(2)  failure to act in accordance with the purposes, manners, posters, slogans, starting and finishing time, places, and routes permitted by the competent authorities, and disregard of instructions to stop acting without permission.”

Enforcement

The government has used excessive force in breaking up assemblies. The most notorious example is the protests that occurred in the spring of 1989 in various cities in China, culminating in the June 4 crackdown on protestors in Tiananmen Square Beijing. To this date, it is unknown how many civilians were killed in that crackdown.

There was also a brutal reprisal against Falun Gong demonstrators in the fall of 1999 after they staged a silent vigil outside of Zhongnanhai, where the top Chinese leaders live and work. Human rights groups and other journalistic and academic studies report that Falun Gong practitioners in China are subject to a wide range of human rights abuses. Tens and perhaps hundreds of thousands are believed to have been imprisoned extrajudicially, and those detained are subject to forced labor, psychiatric abuse, torture, and other coercive methods of thought reform at the hands of Chinese authorities.

More recently, the state has used force to break up demonstrations over land seizures and corruption in rural areas.

Restrictions on Participants

A number of articles in the Assembly Law address various criminal and other sanctions that participants can face. As but one example, Article 30 states:
Those who disturb, break into or undermine by other means an assembly, a procession or a demonstration held in compliance with law may be punished by the public security organ by warning or by criminal detention of not more than 15 days; if the circumstances are serious and a crime is constituted, they shall be investigated for criminal responsibility in accordance with the relevant provisions of the Criminal Law.
In addition, Article 15 of the Assembly Law states that “No citizens shall, in a city other than his place of residence, start, organize or participate in an assembly, a procession or a demonstration of local citizens.” This means that a person residing in one city cannot start, organize or participate in an assembly in another city.

Article 34 of the Assembly Law also states that foreigners need approval by “the competent authorities” to participate in an assembly held by Chinese citizens.

Time, Place, and Manner Restrictions

Articles 23 and 24 of the Assembly Law place restrictions on holding assemblies at certain places or times.

Article 23 states as follows:
No assembly, procession or demonstration shall be held within a peripheral distance of 10 to 300 meters from the following places, with the exception of those approved by the State Council or the people’s governments of provinces, autonomous regions and municipalities directly under the Central Government:
(1)  premises of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress, the State Council, the Central Military Commission, the Supreme People’s Court and the Supreme People’s Procuratorate;
(2)  places where state guests are staying;
(3)  important military installations; and
(4)  air harbors, railway stations and ports.

The specific peripheral distances from the places listed in the preceding paragraph shall be defined by the people’s governments of provinces, autonomous regions and municipalities directly under the Central Government.

In addition, Article 24 states that “The time for holding an assembly, a procession or a demonstration shall be limited to 6 a.m to 10 p.m., with the exception of those held by decision or approval of the local people’s governments.”

Although there are no content-based restrictions, Article 12 prohibits assemblies that will harm “the unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the state” and instigate “division among the nationalities.” This discourages assemblies related to ethnic minority issues, particularly those connected to regions such as Tibet and Xinjiang where there has been vocal dissatisfaction with Communist Party governance.

Other issues
Many CSO representatives perceive the Assembly Law as largely irrelevant. They noted that they would not apply to hold an assembly in the first place because they know they would be turned down. In addition, the police would then have a record of who they were, which could cause trouble for them later.

At the same time, assemblies and demonstrations do occur in China, but generally not because the organizers have applied and been approved to hold the assembly. In October 2012, large anti-Japanese demonstrations were held in Beijing and a few other cities. While it was never clear who organized the demonstrations or whether the organizers had applied, it was suggested by a number of people that the demonstrations had been in part organized and had the support of the government.  Also in October 2012, a Beijing gay rights NGO conducted an AIDS walk along a section of the Great Wall that involved hundreds of participants. The organizer did not apply to hold the walk. Instead, the organizer held the walk with the cooperation of a government-run AIDS foundation. These examples suggest that assemblies organized by government or quasi-government organizations have more leeway and are not bound by the Assembly Law.

UN Universal Periodic Review Reports Universal Periodic Review: China
Reports of UN Special Rapporteurs China
USIG (United States International Grantmaking) Country Notes USIG: China
U.S. State Department 2023 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: China
Fragile States Index Report
Foreign Policy: Fragile States Index
IMF Country Reports China and the IMF
International Commission of Jurists Not available
Philanthropy Law Report China
International Center for Not-for-Profit Law Online Library China

In 2018, ICNL published a China Philanthropy Law Report, and accompanying resources (infographics, graphs, timelines, factsheets and FAQs) for understanding the philanthropy and civil society sector in China that can be found here.

News of importance to the nonprofit sector will be updated on a continual basis on China Development Brief, China’s only bilingual platform covering the sector.

Regular updates and monitoring of the Overseas NGO Law can be found at ChinaFile’s China NGO Project.

Regular analysis and reflections on Chinese civil society can be found on Shawn Shieh’s NGOs in China blog.

While we aim to maintain information that is as current as possible, we realize that situations can rapidly change.  If you are aware of any additional information or inaccuracies on this page, please keep us informed; write to ICNL at ngomonitor@icnl.org.

Historical Notes

In the late 2000s, the Chinese government began revising the legal framework governing CSOs, charitable donations, and fundraising. These efforts were partly intended to improve regulatory capacity and coordination between the state and CSOs. Local governments were encouraged to pilot reforms—such as easing registration procedures, contracting social services to CSOs, and developing support and incubation platforms—that would later inform national policy.

The concept of “social management innovation” [shehui guanli chuangxin] was a focal point of the 12th Five Year Plan (2011 – 2015). It referred to improving the party-state’s ability to manage and coordinate with a range of CSOs and other non-state actors to address common goals. From 2009 to 2013, numerous local governments launched initiatives to support this agenda, including lowering barriers to CSO registration, contracting social services to CSOs, building programs and platforms to coordinate, support and incubate CSOs, and creating more detailed regulations and standards to guide the development of the CSO sector.

The administration of Xi Jinping, who became president of China in March of 2013, reaffirmed these reforms in November 2013 at the Third Plenum Decision of the 18th Central Committee. The final language in the Decision used the term “social governance” rather than social management—a term that civil society actors initially welcomed as it implied a more collaborative model of state–society relations.

However, even before the Plenum’s Decision came out, the new administration began implementing a more restrictive approach. Starting in 2013, authorities launched a wide-ranging crackdown on certain segments of civil society, particularly those engaged in rights-based advocacy, ethnic minority issues, religion, and other politically sensitive areas. This dual-track strategy signaled that reform efforts were intended primarily for state-aligned CSOs—such as charitable, social service, and professional associations—while critical or independent groups would remain tightly controlled.

These developments occurred alongside a broader campaign to consolidate the party-state’s authority and legitimacy. Thus, the Xi administration also launched an unprecedented anti-corruption campaign that targeted many high-level leaders; a campaign to encourage ideological orthodoxy in state agencies, universities, the media and the blogosphere; and a rule-of-law campaign emphasizing greater adherence to rules both inside and outside of the Party. These campaigns were infused with a renewed emphasis on national sovereignty, security, and territorial integrity, reflecting both China’s rising global stature and its internal concerns about unrest, dissent, and external influence—particularly in Xinjiang, Tibet, the South China Sea, and Hong Kong.

Within this broader context, Chinese CSOs have found themselves entangled in the state’s efforts to reassert control over civil society. These developments constitute a major top-down effort by the party-state to mold a “civil society with Chinese characteristics”—one that aligns with Party priorities and rejects what officials describe as Western-style rights discourse. This vision has been codified through a series of landmark laws and regulations, including the Charity Law (2016), the Overseas NGO Law (2017), and a unified Regulation for the Registration and Management of Social Organizations.

Together, these reforms represented a regulatory “Great Leap Forward” for the sector—constituting the most ambitious legal overhaul of nonprofit government in the People’s Republic of China to date. These legislative developments have been accompanied by substantial state investment in CSOs working in the priority areas of poverty alleviation, education, disaster relief, child and elder care, and community services.

In sum, the period from 2016 to 2021 marks a decisive turning point for civil society in China—arguably the most consequential since the 1989 democracy movement. This period has seen an unprecedented cascade of top-down policy and regulatory initiatives aimed at remaking the nonprofit sector. While observers differ on whether there is still meaningful space for civil society to operate, few dispute the state’s intent. As outlined in the 14th Five-Year Plan for the Development of Social Organizations, the party-state’s vision for civil society is now clear: a managed, state-aligned nonprofit sector that complements rather than challenges official policy, and that exists within firm political boundaries.

General News

Chinese rights lawyer Lu Siwei sentenced to 11 months in prison (April 2025)
Prominent Chinese rights lawyer Lu Siwei, who was arrested and deported from Laos in 2023, was sentenced behind closed doors in China to 11 months in prison. Lu, 52, who was accused of illegal border crossing, plans to appeal the sentence by the Chenghua District Court in Chengdu. An insurance attorney by profession, Lu is well known for taking on many politically sensitive cases, including defending one of the 12 Hong Kong activists jailed in the southern Chinese province of Guangdong after they were caught fleeing by boat to Taiwan in 2020.

Key points of China’s Amended Charity Law (January 2024)
China’s amended Charity Law, which will enter into force on September 5, 2024, includes a new chapter on the role of charitable organizations in responding to emergencies, such as the COVID-19 pandemic, and provides more guidance and standards for online charitable fundraising platforms as well as charitable trusts, both of which have grown rapidly in recent years. In line with recent high-level policy directives emphasizing the leadership role of the Communist Party in all walks of life, the law stipulates that charity work comes under the leadership of the Communist Party. Several key changes in the amended law generally contravene the recommendations made by more independent NGOs, such as Zhicheng Public Interest Law, to give charitable organizations more autonomy, remove limits on spending and management fees, and simplify the process for non-profit organizations to gain charitable organization status.

Proposed changes to the Amended China’s Charity Law (December 2023)
During the public submission period for the draft amended Charity Law, one of China’s more independent NGOs published their recommendations, which emphasized more autonomy and less regulation for charitable organizations.

The 14th Five Year Plan for Social Organizations and the future of civil society in China (January 2022)
In October 2021, the Ministry of Civil Affair issued its 14th Five Year Plan (FYP) for the Development of Social Organizations. The FYP is the first of its kind for the social organization sector and is must reading for anyone interested in understanding how the Chinese government intends to reshape the future of China’s nonprofit sector. It puts forth a grim blueprint for the sector’s development over the next five years drawing on high level policy documents and major laws and regulations issued over the last few years.

The 14th Five Year Plan for Social Organizations: Opportunities for NGOs (January 2022)
In my last blogpost, I wrote about the 14th Five Year Plan (FYP) for Social Organizations released in October 2021 and its blueprint for imposing greater controls and supervision over Chinese social organizations in an effort to create a “high-quality” social organization sector. While the FYP instills little optimism for the development of an independent civil society, it does identify areas in which NGOs in China can contribute to the development of the sector, and to sustainable and inclusive development in China and globally.

Will There Be a Civil Society in the Xi Jinping Era? (July 2021)
Assessments of the current state of civil society in China elicit a range of perceptions. Some raise alarms about the most ‘stringent crackdown since 1989’ (Howell 2019) and ‘a dark time for Chinese civil society’ (Dai and Spires 2018). Others, though clearly recognising police actions and tighter restrictions, emphasise that the activities of civil society have always occurred in a negotiated relationship between China’s authoritarian state and a mobilised voluntary sector (Gao and Teets 2021; Hsu 2020; Fu and Distelhorst 2018). Whether the state-constrained voluntary sector qualifies to be described as civil society, or whether another term is more applicable, is still a matter of debate. It is clear, however, that Chinese citizens continue to work to influence public affairs. Perhaps this is a uniquely Chinese form of civil society.

The 14th Five-Year Plan Outlines Policies for Social Organizations (July 2021)
In recent years, the number of social organizations has been increasing at a steadily fast rate. According to officials speaking at the press conference for the 14th Five-Year Plan on the Development of Civil Affairs, by the end of May 2021, the number of domestic social organizations had reached 900,000, including 2,289 national organizations distributed throughout every field and industry. At the same time, the country’s social organizations have shifted away from focusing on the quantity to improving the quality of their services. The Party and the State Council have outlined the agendas for enhancing the development and quality of social organizations and announced stricter requirements for registration.

Altering the Approach to Non-State-Approved Social Organisations (April 2021)
‘Grey space’ and ‘tacit approval’ are concepts familiar to people working in or studying China’s organised civil society (Snape 2019). But a new policy, introduced in March 2021, to ‘crack down on and rectify illegal social organisations’ attempts to wipe these concepts clean from our lexicon. This policy seeks to cultivate arid land in place of vibrant grey space by prevailing on the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), the state, and an array of other organisations to ‘cut off all sources of nourishment’ (MCA Comrade in Charge 2021) and ‘remove the breeding ground’ (MCA 2021e) for non–state-approved social organisations. The aim, as the policy puts it, is to ‘cleanse the social organisation ecological space’ (MCA 2021e).

News Archive

China Tightens Political Security Operations Against ‘Potential’ Dissent (December 2020)

To Fight the Next Pandemic, the World Needs Chinese Activists (November 2020)

How and why the Charity Law could be amended (October 2020)

Shenzhen Gives Green Light for Legal Action to Stop Environmental Destruction (September 2020)

Reckoning with Hong Kong’s National Security Law (July 2020)

92.72% of social organisations in Beijing impacted by COVID-19 (July 2020)

CDB conducts survey on needs of Chinese charities during the pandemic (June 2020)

Is HK about to Get Its Own Foreign NGO Law in the Name of ‘National Security’? (June 2020)

The remarkable online volunteers of the COVID-19 Outbreak (March 2020)

China Alters Civil Society Rules (March 2020)

Civil society finds new paths in Wuhan (February 2020)

Coronavirus in China: International NGOs’ response (February 2020)

Report Released on Online Fundraising in China in 2018 (May 2019)

Second “Silk Road NGO Cooperation Network Forum” in Beijing (April 2019)

Citing Foreign NGO Law Requirements, NGO Opts out of China Summit (March 2019)

Eight highlights of the 2019 Government Work Report (March 2019)

China’s social credit system takes on fake charities (February 2019)

Inside China’s crackdown on young Marxists (February 2019)

Shenzhen labour activists formally arrested (February 2019)

Young Activists Go Missing in China, Raising Fears of Crackdown (November 2018)

Law professors respond to the “Social Organization Regulations” draft (August 2018)

The new draft on the registration of social organisations (August 2018)

How China’s new individual income tax amendment affects charitable donations (September 2018)

Remaking China’s Civil Society in the Xi Jinping Era, by Shawn Shieh (August 2018)

242 overseas NGOs register in China (November 2017)

China NGO Law Still Hazy (June 2017)

The Origins of China’s New Law on Foreign NGOs (January 2017)

Implementing the Overseas NGO Law: 26 NGOs Register in Beijing and Guangdong (January 2017)

Implementing the Overseas NGO Law: Six NGOs Register in Shanghai (January 2017)

More FAQs on the Overseas NGO Law: Reading the Fine Print (January 2017)

Follow up on the Overseas NGO Law : The List of Professional Supervising Units Has Been Issued (December 2016)

Draft Guidelines for the Overseas NGO Law Announced at a Shanghai Forum (October 2016)

Some Insights from a Q&A with the Ministry of Public Security on the Overseas NGO Law (September 2016)

China’s first Charity Law takes effect to upgrade industry (September 2016)

A new dawn for China’s charity sector (September 2016)

Charity overhaul in China, but only with government approval (September 2016)

A Hokey-Cokey in State Intervention or a Breakthrough for Chinese NGOs? (August 2016)

China’s new NGO rules call for organisations to adhere to party leadership (August 2016)

How Should Global Stakeholders Respond to China’s New NGO Management Law? (May 2016)

How Foreign Nonprofit Organizations Should Respond to China’s New Overseas NGO Law (May 2016)

Clampdown in China Restricts 7,000 Foreign Organizations (April 2016)

China Passes Law on Security Controls on Foreign NGOs (April 2016)

It Just Got Harder to Make a Difference in China (April 2016)

The Good—and Bad—About China’s Charity Law (March 2016)

The Pros and Cons of China’s NGO Laws (March 2016)

China Adopts Charity Law (March 2016)

Is China’s New Overseas NGO Management Law Sounding the Death Knell for Civil Society? Maybe Not (February 2016)

Charges Against Chinese Rights Lawyers Draw Foreign Criticism (January 2016)

China Passes Controversial Counter-Terrorism Law (December 2015)

China’s Latest Crackdown on Workers Is Unprecedented (December 2015)

Grassroots NGOs Win Landmark Environmental Public Interest Lawsuit (November 2015)

China’s Xi Defends Censorship Amid Support For Embattled Rights Community (September 2015)

White House sends tough message on NGOs as Chinese President visits (September 2015)

Draft anti-terrorism law should be revised (January 2015)

Guangzhou OKs foreign cash for NGOs (November 2014)

China Approves Security Law Emphasizing Counterespionage (November 2014)

New Signs that China is Scrutinizing Foreign NGOs (June 2014)

People Power in the People’s Republic of China (June 2014)

Pray for Gao Zhisheng on Easter (April 2014)

Government Must End Reprisals Against Activists Demanding Participation in UPR (August 2013)

Social Media in China Fuel Citizen Response to Quake (May 2013)

The changing face of service society (May 2013)

‘Spring’ in the air for NGOs? (April 2013)

Government’s NGO funding peaks in 2012 (February 2013)

NGOs praised for role in fighting HIV/AIDS (November 2012)

State to tighten oversight of international NGOs (September 2012)

Activist and artist Ai Weiwei loses appeal on tax evasion charges (September 2012)

China’s door “wide open” to foreign NGOs (September 2012)

Chinese turn to microblogs for donations instead of government charities (August 2012)

NGOs get boost from Shenzhen register reforms (August 2012)

Government wants more transparency, which means more control over NGOs (August 2012)

New regulations on the management of charitable foundations issued (July 2012)

Changing climate for religious NGOs? (July 2012)

Clinton comments on human rights blocked in China (July 2012)

Eric Schmidt: The Great Firewall of China will fall (July 2012)

Charity Law submitted to State Council (June 2012)

Environmental NGOs grow across China but struggle for support (June 2012)

Corporate-NGO Partnerships in China: Fostering Employee Volunteer Programs (June 2012)

China keen to scale down EU human rights talks (June 2012)

Law to give new start to embattled charities (June 2012)

China tells Tibetan NGOs to register or else face closure (May 2012)

Will pressure make Chinese aid more transparent? (March 2012)

Revisions of law to ensure human rights related to detention, arrest and surveillance (March 2012)

Charities open to religious groups (March 2012)

Political advisers argue that legislation on the charity law is “vital” for the NGO sector to grow (March 2012)

China develops law on philanthropy (October 2011)

Social groups may get right for litigation (October 2011)

China human rights group blocked from EU-China dialogue (September 2011)

China jails veteran democracy activist (September 2011)

Breakthrough judicial interpretation of freedom of information regulations (August 2011)

New breakthrough for grassroots charity groups (August 2011)

Chinese civilian NGOs seek charity legislation (August 2011)

Calls for greater transparency, supervision in philanthropy (July 2011)

Carefully cultivating NGOs (July 2011)

China to ease NGO registration policy (July 2011)

Amnesty International accuses China of silencing human rights lawyers (June 2011)

China seeks to expand modern philanthropy (May 2011)

Labor question threatens China’s social compact, divides ruling party (May 2011)

China creates new agency for patrolling the Internet (May 2011)

Biden, Clinton lecture China on human rights (May 2011)

Fears in China as another human rights lawyer disappear (May 2011)

Teng Biao, Chinese human rights lawyer, released after detention (April 2011)

West needs more ‘muscular’ approach to defending China’s dissidents (April 2011)

End the silence on Ai Weiwei (April 2011)

China’s human rights crackdown – interactive guide (April 2011)

EU and US urge China to free Ai Weiwei (April 2011)

Investigate police assaults against foreign journalists (March 2011)

Crack down on Egypt-inspired protests in China (February 2011)

Experts assess the progress of civil society in China (February 2011)