Organizational Forms	Associations	Foundations
Registration Body	Ministry of Interior, General Directorate for Relations with Civil Society	The courts, with possible review made by the General Directorate of Foundations
Barriers to Entry	At least seven founders required to establish an association. Executive board of at least five people required. Majority of the board must reside in Türkiye. Foreigners can be members of board provided they reside in Türkiye.	The minimum endowment amount for foundations is 2,000,000 TL (approx. $54,855).
Barriers to Activities	Despite the improvements in the Regulation on Associations, standard annual reporting forms and numerous mandatory books are still considered cumbersome and time consuming. All associations are obliged to obtain permission from the governorship of the city in which they will be conducting the fundraising activity and indicate the exact amount of money they aim to collect. Requirement to complete standard forms before receiving or using foreign funding or opening new branch offices.	Standard annual reporting forms considered cumbersome and time consuming. All foundations are obliged to obtain permission from the governorship of the city in which they will be conducting the fundraising activity and indicate the exact amount of money they aim to collect. Requirement to complete standard forms before receiving or using foreign funding or opening new branch offices.
Barriers to Speech and/or Advocacy	Different provisions set forth in the Constitution protect speech, regardless of its content, when expressed by a natural person or a legal entity or expressed individually or collectively. However, the Constitutional protections are diminished at a legal level. Many articles in the laws are sustained despite their apparent conflict with the Constitution. The internet regulation No. 5651 may increase censorship and pave the way for removing content without a court order.	Different provisions set forth in the Constitution protect speech, regardless of its content, when expressed by a natural person or a legal entity or expressed individually or collectively. However, the Constitutional protections are diminished at a legal level. Many articles in the laws are sustained despite their apparent conflict with the Constitution. The internet regulation No. 5651 may increase censorship and pave the way for removing content without a court order.
Barriers to International Contact	Requirement to notify the government when receiving grants from international organizations and giving grants to organizations working abroad.	Requirement to notify the government when receiving grants from international organizations and giving grants to organizations working abroad.
Barriers to Resources	Requirement to notify the government before using foreign funding. A foreign association is required to notify the authorities about foreign funds even if the funds are received from the headquarters of the foreign association.	Requirement to notify the government within one month of receiving foreign funding. A foreign foundation is required to notify the authorities about foreign funds even if the funds are received from the headquarters of the foreign foundation.
Barriers to Assembly	Vague grounds to justify restrictions, excessive force on protesters, and advance notification requirement.	Vague grounds to justify restrictions, excessive force on protesters, and advance notification requirement.

Population	84,119,531 (2024 est.)
Capital	Ankara
Type of Government	Presidential Government System
Life Expectancy at Birth	male: 74.4 years; female: 79.2 years (2024 est.)
Literacy Rate	male: 99.1%; female: 94.4% (2022 est.)
Religious Groups	Muslim (mostly Sunni): 99.8%; other (mostly Christians and Jews): 0.2%
Ethnic Groups	Turkish: 70-75%; Kurdish: 19%; other minorities: 7-12% (2016 est.)
GDP per capita	$34,600 (2023 est.) (data in 2023 dollars)

Source: The World Factbook. Washington, DC: Central Intelligence Agency and Turkish Statistical Institute.

Ranking Body	Rank	Ranking Scale (best – worst possible)
UN Human Development Index	51 (2025)	1 – 193
World Justice Project Rule of Law Index	117 (2024)	1 – 142
Transparency International	107 (2024)	1 – 180
Fragile States Index	41 (2024)	179 – 1
Freedom House: Freedom in the World	Political Rights: 17 Civil Liberties: 16 Total: 33 (2024)	1 – 40 1 – 60
Freedom House: Freedom on the Net	31 (2024)	1 – 100

International and Regional Human Rights Agreements

Key International Agreements	Ratification*	Year
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR)	Yes	2003
Optional Protocol to ICCPR (ICCPR-OP1)	Yes	2006
International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights (ICESCR)	Yes	2003
Optional Protocol to ICESCR (OP-ICESCR)	No	—
International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD)	Yes	2002
Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW)	Yes	1985
Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women	Yes	2002
Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC)	Yes	1995
International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of their Families (ICRMW)	Yes	2004
Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD)	Yes	2009
Convention on Preventing and Combatting Violence against Women and Domestic Violence (Istanbul Convention)**	No	—
European Convention on Human Rights	Yes	1954

The Convention for The Protection of Individuals with Regard to Automatic Processing of Personal Data

Yes

2016

* Category includes ratification, accession, or succession to the treaty
** On March 20, 2021, a Presidential Decision was published to announce Türkiye’s withdrawal from the Council of Europe Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women and Domestic Violence, which is widely known as Istanbul Convention. Türkiye subsequently reported the decision to the Council of Europe. On July 1, the decision came into effect and Türkiye officially withdrew from the Istanbul Convention.

Constitutional Framework

The Constitution was adopted in 1982, immediately following a military coup. Although the Constitution is sometimes criticized for its lack of democratic principles, it still guarantees basic rights and freedoms. Relevant articles include:

Article 22: Everyone has the right to freedom of communication.

Article 25: Everyone has the right to freedom of thought and opinion.

Article 26: Everyone has the right to express and disseminate his thoughts and opinions by speech, in writing or in pictures or through other media, individually and collectively.

Article 33: Everyone has the right to form associations, or become a member of an association, or withdraw from membership without prior permission.

No one shall be compelled to become or remain a member of an association.

Freedom of association may only be restricted by law on the grounds of protecting national security and public order, or prevention of crime, or protecting public morals, public health.

The formalities, conditions, and procedures governing the exercise of freedom of association shall be prescribed by law.

Associations may be dissolved or suspended from activity by the decision of a judge in cases prescribed by law. In cases where delay endangers national security or public order and in cases where it is necessary to prevent the perpetration or the continuation of a crime or to effect apprehension, an authority designated by law may be vested with power to suspend the association from activity. The decision of this authority shall be submitted for the approval of the judge in charge within twenty-four hours. Unless the judge declares a decision within forty-eight hours, this administrative decision shall be annulled automatically.

Provisions of the first paragraph shall not prevent imposition of restrictions on the rights of armed forces and security forces officials and civil servants to the extent that the duties of civil servants so require.

The provisions of this article are also applicable to foundations.

Article 34: Everyone has the right to hold unarmed and peaceful meetings and demonstration marches without prior permission.

Article 35: Everyone has the right to property and inheritance.

Article 56: Everyone has the right to live in a healthy and balanced environment

Article 90: International agreements duly put into effect have the force of law. No appeal to the Constitutional Court shall be made with regard to these agreements, on the grounds that they are unconstitutional. In the case of a conflict between international agreements, duly put into effect, concerning fundamental rights and freedoms and the laws due to differences in provisions on the same matter, the provisions of international agreements shall prevail

On April 16, 2017, Türkiye held a referendum that adopted an 18-article law proposal to switch from a parliamentary to a presidential system:

• The president becomes the head of the executive, as well as the head of state, and retains ties to a political party (prior to this, presidents renounced political parties on taking office).
• The office of prime minister is eliminated. The new post of vice president is created.
• The president is given sweeping new powers to appoint ministers, prepare the budget, choose the majority of senior judges and enact certain laws by decree.
• The president alone can announce a State of Emergency and dismiss the parliament.
• Article 98 of the Constitution is abolished, equipping Parliament with five mechanisms to hold the government to account.
• The Parliament loses its right to scrutinize ministers or propose an enquiry. However, it is able to launch impeachment proceedings or investigate the president with a majority vote by MPs.
• Putting the president on trial requires a two-thirds majority.
• Presidential and parliamentary elections are to be held on the same day every five years. The president is limited to two terms, and the presidential government system will be enacted.

General elections and a presidential election were held throughout Türkiye on June 24, 2018. Recep Tayyip Erdogan won the country’s key presidential election and became Türkiye’s first executive president with increased powers. The first decree for the harmonization of current laws for the new executive presidential system was issued on July 4, 2018. The 74-article decree dissolved the office of Prime Minister and stipulated the transfer of some powers of the cabinet to the president. The first three Presidential Decrees were issued on July 10, 2018 to restructure the Turkish administrative system. The first Presidential Decree introduced the vice-presidency as well as presidential offices, policy councils, and directorates, which will work directly under the president. The other two decrees changed the structure of regulatory institutions and define terms, duties, and appointment procedures for high-level bureaucrats and presidents. The president is now able to directly appoint and remove the vice president, ministers, and high-level officials. In the former parliamentary system, the president had the power to appoint and remove the prime minister and ministers only upon the prime minister’s proposal. These high-level bureaucrats and presidents of key institutions, who were formerly recommended by different posts, such as ministries, are now appointed directly by the President.

National Laws and Regulations Affecting Sector

The state of emergency was regulated under Articles 119, 120, and 121 of the Constitution and State of Emergency Law No. 2935. It allowed the Council of Ministers, chaired by the President, to issue statutory decrees that carry the force of law. While the state of emergency was in effect from July 21, 2016 until July 18, 2018, the government issued 37 emergency degrees, seven of which had a direct effect on CSO operations. Since the presidential system is in place, the president is authorized to declare the state of emergency. Once the state of emergency is declared, it is required to publish the state of emergency in the Official Gazette. Parliament gathers after the publishing and is authorized to extend, shorten, or abolish the state of emergency.

On January 25, 2017, the president and cabinet set up a Commission of Inquiry for State of Emergency Practices to review sanctions under the state of emergency and provided new judicial avenues for appeals. However, the means of selecting the members of this Commission raised concerns about its independence. The rulings of the Commission have not been announced. Given the number of applications, there are concerns that it will become virtually impossible for the Commission to observe due process and deliver timely justice. In May 2018, the Commission gave its initial decisions on six associations that had been closed by the statutory decrees. The Commission ruled that the associations should be reopened because no linkages to terrorist associations were identified. As of October 2, 2020, the Commission delivered 110,250 decisions (12,680 accepted and 97,570 rejected). 60 of the acceptance decisions have been related to the re-opening of the organizations that had been shut down (associations, foundations, television channels). The Commission, therefore, remains active.

On July 24, 2018, Parliament passed the new Anti-terror Law No. 7145, which amended existing laws to effectively deal with the fight against terror after the state of emergency ended by strengthening the authorities’ powers to detain suspects and impose public order.

Presidential Decree No. 17, published on September 13, 2018, amended the previous Presidential Decree No. 1, which was passed on July 10, 2018, by abolishing the Department of Associations and establishing a Directorate General for Relations with Civil Society under the Ministry of Interior.

On October 1, 2018, the Regulation on Associations was amended, making it mandatory for associations to notify public institutions about their membership. Before this amendment, only the name and surname of the chairperson of the Board of the association and statistical information, such as the number of the members as real person and legal entities and their gender, was requested. In addition, on March 26, 2020, the Law on Associations was amended, and the regulation became law. With the regulation, associations were obliged to notify the local authority of the status of individuals who were accepted as members of the association or who quit or were removed from the membership, as well as their personal data, such as name, surname, identity number, profession, within 30 days. This regulation is against the fundamental rights and freedoms protected by the Constitution and the right to protection of personal data and is contrary to the principles of the ECHR and the ICCPR.

Following the entry into force of the new regulation, İnsan Hakları Derneği (Human Rights Association) and Mülkiyeliler Birliği Derneği (Association of Ankara University Political Science Graduates Alliance) applied to the Council of State for the annulment of the relevant articles, claiming that mandatory notification of members interferes with the freedom of association; that it is not clear for what purpose this information will be used; that the right to protect personal data will be violated; and that fundamental rights and freedoms can only be limited based on a law. In October 2021, the 10th Chamber of the Council of State ruled in favor of the plaintiff CSOs and canceled the relevant articles of the Regulation on Associations. Although the relevant articles of the Regulation have been canceled by a judicial decision, the obligation to notify the members of the association continues because it was added to the Associations Law on March 26, 2020.

In 2019, the Financial Crimes Investigation Board (MASAK), a department under the Ministry of Treasury and Finance, published a guide called “Avoiding the Abuse of the Nonprofit Organizations by the Plots of Terrorist Financing.” The guide details suspicious financial transaction types that may indicate CSO involvement in terror financing and supposedly aims to distinguish between civil society activities and terrorist financing. However, it has been criticized as another move to discredit CSOs.

In March 2020, the Ministry of Health started to implement precautions to avoid the spreading of COVID-19. The Ministry of Interior also published a decree regarding the obligation for general assemblies, activities, trainings and other meetings of CSOs to prevent the spread of the virus.

The Law on Preventing Financing of Proliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction was adopted and entered into force on December 31, 2020. The law was adopted in a speedy process without consultation with civil society and other stakeholders. The main reasoning of the law is to comply with international standards in the fight against the financing of terrorism and laundering offenses in light of the 2019 report of the FATF and the UN Security Council (UNSC) resolutions. However, it goes beyond the FATF and severely restricts the operation of CSOs.

Articles 7-10 amend the Law on Collection of Aid No. 2860, and provide for the following:

• Article 7 of the law provides that online aid campaigns are included within the scope of Law No. 2860. This means that receiving permission to launch online aid campaigns have become obligatory. According to this new amendment, when an unauthorized online aid campaign is detected, the relevant governorship and Ministry of Interior will be authorized to request removal of the content within 24 hours or to apply to the magistrate of peace for a blocking order if the campaign provider cannot be reached or notification cannot be delivered due to technical reasons.
• Article 10 provides for an administrative fine on violations of the Law on Collection of Aid from 5,000 TL to 100,000 TL. In case of an unauthorized collection of aid on the internet, the prescribed lower and upper limits of fines are doubled. Those who aid and abet in any unauthorized aid collection will be also sanctioned with an administrative fine of 5,000 TL if they do not end this activity despite a notice.
• Article 8 provides that procedures and principles regarding the aid provided domestically and abroad shall be regulated with a by-law.
• Article 9 provides that those assigned to conduct the audit for the collection of aid activities are authorized to request relevant information and documents from natural persons and legal entities, including banks as well as public institutions and organizations. According to this article, those who are requested cannot avoid giving information and documents by relying the provisions in relevant laws.

Seven articles, from Articles 11 to 17, amend the Law on Associations No. 5253.

• Article 11 provides that associations and foundations which have headquarters abroad become subject to the provisions of Law No. 5253 on Associations.
• Article 12 provides that those convicted of crimes within the scope of the Law on the Prevention of Financing of Terrorism No. 6415 or of crimes of drug trafficking and money laundering are prohibited from sitting on anybody of associations other than the general assembly, even if the sentences of those persons were pardoned. In the event that a prosecution is initiated against the board members or staff of associations with regards to the aforementioned crimes, Article 15 allows the Minister of Interior to suspend the individuals or the bodies that the relevant individuals hold as a temporary measure. According to this amendment, the Minister of Interior can immediately apply to the civil courts of first instance to request a temporary suspension of activities of the association when the aforementioned ‘temporary measure’ is deemed as inefficient.
• Article 13 provides that the scope of the audit for associations is expanded, and the audits of associations are to be carried out by public servants annually, according to the risk assessments to be performed.
• Article 14 provides for notification of the relevant administrative authority prior to receiving aid remitted abroad to Türkiye becomes
• Article 16 provides for penalties to be imposed for failure to show various kinds of information, documents, and records and allow a visit to the administrative places, establishments, and their annexes upon the request of the supervisory board members of the association (internal audit) or relevant government officials (external audit);
• Article32(k) provides penalties if mandatory documents kept by the associations are unreadable or lost for any reason, and this is not notified to the competent court of a place where a headquarters of the association is operating, and for breaching the obligation to notify about aid sent abroad and aid received from abroad.
• Article 17 provides for the law to become applicable to branches of associations, governing organizations of associations and foundations, and branches of associations and foundations which have headquarters abroad and permission to operate and develop cooperation in Türkiye.

Türkiye was on the agenda of Financial Action Task Force’s (FATF) October 19-22, 2021 plenary meeting. FATF has grey-listed Türkiye for its failure to make sufficient efforts to combat money laundering and terror financing and to ensure that supervision does not disrupt or discourage legitimate CSO activity. Since then, several actions have been taken by the Turkish authorities, including meetings with CSOs, training of public employees, and encouragement of self-regulation. Despite these actions, CSOs still suffer from shrinking civic space.

Amnesty Turkey published a briefing paper, “Turkey: Terrorism financing law has immediate ‘chilling effect’ on civil society,” which reflects the views of representatives of CSOs regarding the early impact of Law. No. 7262. Amnesty Turkey emphasized that the measures introduced by Law No. 7262 and the prevailing political climate in Türkiye, which is marked by increasing repression of civil society, have created a “chilling effect” on CSOs that inhibits them from carrying out their legitimate work due to fears of falling afoul of these measures. It also notes that the lack of consultation with CSOs ahead of the law’s passage and an accompanying lack of legal clarity and foreseeability about its implementation, which have caused deep concern among CSOs and their members. This has caused many CSOs to take pre-emptive actions that have adversely affected their fundraising activities and their willingness to cooperate and collaborate with other organizations, particularly international institutions and donors. CSOs also have difficulty in finding Board members due to fear of potential repercussions and the risk of criminal prosecution. Burdensome audits also distract CSOs from their work.

The Regulation Amending the Regulation on Associations was published in the Official Gazette numbered 31635 and dated February 21, 2021. According to the Amendment:

Associations can now hold online general assemblies and board meetings with electronic systems approved by the Ministry’s General Directorate of Information Technologies. The personal data to be processed in the systems has to be processed and stored according to the relevant provisions of the Turkish Data Protection Law.

From this point onwards, aid provided abroad (in addition to aid received from abroad) is also subject to notification to authorities prior to the money transfer. The transfer must be conducted through banks, other financial institutions, or a post and Telegraph Company. After the transaction, notification must be made to authorities within 90 days.

Public officials who will be provided certificates at the end of a training program will be able to audit, as well as those who work in the units of public officials under the supervision of the association. In emergency cases, no certificate will be required.

Audits of associations will be carried out according to a risk assessment. A risk assessment will be made within the scope of combating laundering of assets arising from crime against associations and financing of terrorism by the General Directorate of Associations. Principles regarding risk assessments and audits will be determined by the General Directorate of Associations. Risk groups will be determined as high, medium and low. Low risk associations will only be audited if a need arises; otherwise no audit is required.

This regulation has been criticized by CSOs due to lack of information regarding the recordings of online meetings, whether or not these recordings will be accessed by the authorities. Moreover, there is still insufficient information about the risk assessment process and criteria for risk categorization. Lastly, there is no reference in the Law on Preventing Financing of Proliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction to any regulation regarding the risk assessment.

Following this change in the Regulation on Associations, the Regulation Amending the Regulation on Principles and Procedures of Aid Collection was published in the Official Gazette and numbered 31655 and dated October 11, 2021. According to the Amendment, the difference between donation and aid was redefined. Although these terms were separately defined, there should be no difference between aid and donation because it should not matter whether the donation comes without asking or through a campaign or call. This is a superficial distinction.

On April 22, 2022, the parliament adopted the Law on Sport Clubs and Sport Federations (No: 7405) that allows sports clubs and sport federations to transform their status from an association into a corporation. While approximately 20,000 sports clubs and sports federations have changed their status into a corporation, the number of registered associations in Türkiye decreased from 121,978 to 101,823 accordingly.

On July 29, 2020, Türkiye’s Parliament passed a bill amending Law No. 5651 on Regulating Internet Publications and Combating Crimes Committed by Means of Such Publications (known as the “Social Media Law” or the “Censorship Law”). Nearly one year later, the government then began preparing a new social media regulation on May 27, 2022, when the Justice and Development Party (AKP) and the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) introduced a draft bill to amend the penal code and press and internet laws. They argued that the bill’s aim would be combating disinformation in the media and on the internet. The parliament adopted the legislative proposal on October 14, 2022. Although the legal amendment did not explicitly define what “disinformation” or “misleading information” is, it adds a new offense to the Penal Code of a prison sentence of one to three years for anyone who intentionally spreads “misleading information” (“those who publicly distribute information which is not really related with the security of the country inside or outside, public order or public health with the purpose of creating concern, fear or panic among the people in a manner that domestic peace.”). Journalists, lawyers and dissidents state that the law will lead to arbitrary investigations and intimidate and silence citizens and, therefore, it violates the freedom of expression.

In addition, internet news portals are now recognized as news publications, which are obliged to publish their contact information in an easily accessible way so that the chief public prosecutor’s office will be able to request to correct an information or news. Social network providers also are now obliged to notify Information Technologies and Communication Institution of information such as the number of their members, the number and time of voice calls and messages etc.

The Constitutional Court cancelled some articles of Law No. 7262 (The Law on Preventing Financing of Proliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction) that had amended the Law on Aid Collection and the Law on Associations. As a result, the following articles of Law on Aid Collection No. 260 ceased to have affect:

• The authorization of the relevant governorship and Ministry of Interior to request removal of the unauthorized online aid campaign content within 24 hours or to apply to the magistrate of peace for a blocking order if the campaign provider cannot be reached or notification cannot be delivered due to technical reasons.
• Procedures and principles regarding the aid provided domestically and abroad shall be regulated with a by-law.
• Those assigned to conduct the audit for the collection of aid activities authorize to request relevant information and documents from natural persons and legal entities, including banks as well as public institutions and organizations.

The Constitutional Court also cancelled the article of Law on Associations No. 5253 that provides for the prosecution of the board members or staff of associations with regards to the crimes within the scope of the Law on the Prevention of Financing of Terrorism No. 6415 or of crimes of drug trafficking and money laundering. The Minister of Interior may suspend the individuals or the bodies that the relevant individuals hold as a temporary measure. The Minister of Interior can immediately apply to the civil courts of first instance to request a temporary suspension of activities of the association when the aforementioned ‘temporary measure’ is deemed as inefficient.

Following the Constitutional Court’s cancellation of certain provisions in the Law on Associations and the Law on Aid Collection, the General Directorate of Civil Society Relations (STİGM) responded by preparing two draft legislative proposals aimed at addressing the resulting legal gaps. In August 2024, STİGM published these drafts on its website, seeking input from civil society organizations. The next step is expected to involve the submission of these proposals to the Turkish Grand National Assembly (TBMM) for further legislative action.

In December 2024, the new decision of the Constitutional Court (AYM) that annulled the phrase “not exceeding one year” in Article 10 of the Law on Aid Collection was published in the Official Gazette. The phrase stipulated that decisions to extend the permission to collect aid should be made on an annual basis. The constitutional Court’s evaluation focused on the consequences of the imposition of a time limit on the extension of aid collection activities in terms of basic freedoms and rights. In this framework, it ruled that the time limit imposed on the extension of the authorization period did not comply with the principle of proportionality in terms of its purpose.

In June 2024, Türkiye was removed from the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) grey list.

There are a number of national laws affecting the civil society sector:

• Law 5253: Associations Law on Associations
• Law 5737: Law on Foundations
• Law 4721: Civil Code
  • Associations: Articles 56-100
  • Foundations: Article 101-117
• Law 8965: Penal Code
• Law 5326: Law on Misdemeanor
• Law 2860: Law on Collection of Aid
• Law 2911: Law on Meetings and Demonstrations
• Law 4982: Law on Right to Information
• Law 4962: Law on the Amendment to Certain Laws and Tax Exemption for Law on Foundations
• Law 6102: Commercial Law
• Law 193: Income Tax Law
• Law 5520: Corporate Tax Law
• Law 213: Tax Procedure Law
• Law 1319: Property Tax law
• Law 488: Stamp Tax Law
• Law 3065: VAT Law
• Law 1606: Law on the Exemption of Certain Associations and Institutions from Certain Taxes, All Fees and Dues
• Law 5072: Law on the Relations of Public Institutions with Associations and Foundations
• Law 4641: Law on the Establishment and Functioning of the Economic and Social Council
• Law 3335: Law on Establishment of International Organizations
• Law 5018: Public Financial Administration and Control
• Law 3713: Prevention of Terrorism Law
• Law 6698: Law on Protection of Personal Data
• Law 7262: Law on Preventing Financing of Proliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction

Pending NGO Legislative / Regulatory Initiatives

1. The government plans to pass a law to regulate the crime of ‘agents of influence’ by expanding the scope of the crime of ‘espionage’ in the Penal Code. It was proposed as an article within the omnibus bill that was submitted to the Turkish Grand National Assembly (TBMM) on October 18, 2024, and subsequently passed by the TBMM’s Justice Commission. It had alarmed CSOs, human rights groups, journalists, bar associations, and the political opposition because the enactment of the draft will also pave the way for further shrinking of the civic space and will deteriorate the execution of the fundamental rights, especially for freedom of speech on media and academia, arts, and politics as well.

There were 93 CSOs, including Amnesty International Türkiye, that issued a joint statement and many other organizations, including TÜSİAD and TÜSEV, published their own statements calling for the withdrawal of the article. Following the significant public and political opposition, the concerning article was withdrawn from the bill on November 13, 2024. The article (Article 339/A) had proposed prison sentence of three to seven years for anyone found guilty of committing a crime against state security or political interests in alignment with the strategic interests or instructions of a foreign state or organization. It was also proposed that if the crime is committed during wartime or by individuals working within units, projects, facilities, or institutions of strategic importance for national security the penalty is proposed to be increased. Since this regulation vaguely defines the crime, anyone critical of the government can fall under this definition. It also poses a great risk, especially for CSOs and media outlets receiving foreign funding, because their statements, monitoring, and research activities may be considered within this scope. The legislative proposal is expected to be resubmitted to parliament in the near future. However, the party officials announced that the article will be reviewed and discussed with opposition parties and a new proposal may be introduced to the TBMM after building consensus. Yet especially CSOs and press organizations have still expressed their persistent opposition to the resubmission of the proposal, especially by reminding that ‘the disinformation law’ adopted in 2022, was instrumentalized to intimidate political opposition, civil society and especially journalists.

2. The government has been preparing legislation related to volunteering through various ministries for some time. However, CSOs are concerned that the legislation could create a chilling effect on voluntary activities due to excessive regulation and oversight. On the other hand, the Strengthened Civic Engagement for Enhancing Democratic Local Governance in Turkey Project (Civic Engagement Project), which is implemented by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and funded by the European Union, with the Union of Municipalities of Türkiye (UMT) as the main beneficiary and the Ministry of Interior Directorate General for Relations with Civil Society (DGRSC) as the co-beneficiary, is being carried out from January 2023 to September 2025. One of the activities of this project has been identified as the development of legislative proposals on volunteering in Türkiye, with stakeholders participating in the legislative preparation. However, since this process does not guarantee that the legislation will address the concerns of civil society, these CSOs are closely monitoring the process.

3. According to a leaked draft law, which is based on the 4th Judicial Reform Strategy Document prepared by the Ministry of Justice and aims to amend the Criminal Code and Civil Code, any person who publicly encourages, praises, or promotes attitudes and behaviors contrary to ‘innate biological sex’ and ‘public morality’ will be sentenced to imprisonment for one to three years. If the draft is adopted, CSOs and human rights defenders advocating for LGBTI+ rights or gender equality could face legal proceedings. Following the leak, numerous CSOs called for the draft not to be submitted to the parliament, arguing that the amendments would inevitably lead to violations of the freedom of association. Furthermore, the draft would paves the way for the criminalization and punishment of activities across various fields, including art, academia and the press, by labeling them as ‘encouraging behaviors and attitudes contrary to biological sex and public morality.’ Despite reactions, another draft law was submitted to the Parliament by HÜDA PAR in April 2025, under the title “Bill on Amendments to the Turkish Penal Code and Certain Other Laws.” The submitted version also proposes restrictive provisions, further broadening the scope of criminalization and tightening limitations on freedom of expression and association. As of May 2025, the bill has not yet been put on the agenda of the parliamentary committee.

4. The Directorate General of Foundations is also working on amending the Law on Foundations to comply with the AML/CFT recommendations of the Financial Action Task Force (FATF). Although the FATF encourages governments to identify, assess and take preventive measures to address the risks of civil society as a sector being used for money laundering and terrorism financing, while underlining that the measures should be structured in a way to protect the freedom of association and the right to participation of civil society organizations. Indeed, over the past years, FATF has updated the recommendations (e.g. Recommendation 8) and implementation guidelines to mitigate the chilling effects and unintended consequences of measures over CSOs taken by governments. However, the amendments in the draft are largely insufficient to take these updates into account and risk over-regulation. In this respect, the proposed amendments do not fully comply with these standards. Therefore, it should be openly consulted with CSOs before being submitted to the Parliament.

Please help keep us informed; if you are aware of pending initiatives, write to ICNL at ngomonitor@icnl.org.

Organizational Forms

There are two legal forms of CSOs in Türkiye: associations and foundations. Article 33 of the Constitution grants the right to form these entities. These organizations must be not-for-profit establishments. Article 56 of the Civil Code states, “An association is defined as a society formed by unity of at least seven real persons or legal entities for realization of a common object other than sharing of profit by collecting information and performing studies for such purpose.” Article 101 of the Civil Code defines foundations as “charity groups in the status of a legal entity formed by real persons or legal entities dedicating their private property and rights for public use.”

Public Benefit Status

“Public benefit” (for associations) and “tax exemption” (for foundations) statuses are vaguely defined, and the decision-making process is highly political and the privileges that the statuses provide are very limited.

Article 19 of the Presidential Decree Law No. 703 of July 2, 2018, which amended Article 27 of the Associations Law and Article 57 of the Decree Law No. 698 of July 2, 2018, authorized the President to grant public benefit status to associations and foundations. Prior to this amendment, the Council of Ministers had the authority to grant public benefit status to eligible CSOs based on the opinion of the Ministry of Finance and the proposal of the Ministry of the Interior. Under the previous system, the selection process was highly bureaucratic and political at times and was not guided by an autonomous, transparent, and easily accessible institution. Furthermore, the procedures for these statuses were not clearly defined with a list of the selection criteria, and the conditions for gaining public benefit and tax exemption statuses differed.

Presidential decrees did not bring substantial changes in the decision-making process for determining public benefit status for CSOs. Notably, while the law in Türkiye provides for public benefit status for CSOs, only a very limited number of organizations have been granted public benefit status. According to the most recent data provided by public institutions, there are 332 tax-exempt foundations out of 6,094 foundations in Türkiye. The ratio of the number of tax exempt foundations to the total number remained similar (5.4%) to previous years. As of March 2025, 363 associations with public benefit status constituted only 0.36% of the total number of 101,185 active associations.

At the end of 2024, amendments were made to the General Communiqué (Series no: 1) on the Provision of Tax Exemption to Foundations. Within the scope of these amendments, the transfers made by a foundation to their economic enterprises are not considered as expenses related to the purpose even though the economic enterprises operate for foundation’s purpose. This rule makes it harder to meet the requirement for foundations to “spend at least two-thirds of their annual income within the year in which it is generated” in order to maintain tax exempt status. Furthermore, the requirement of having certain limit of income generating assets and annual income, which was previously a criterion only for obtaining for tax exempt status, has now been transformed into a mandatory condition that must be met each year to maintain this status. These changes have made it more challenging for foundations to obtain and retain tax exempt status.

Public Participation

While the National Development Plan and the Annual Presidential Program emphasize the importance of participation in decision-making processes, there is no policy or strategy that defines and encourages cooperation and participation modalities. The Regulation on the Procedures and Principles of Drafting Legislation includes provisions on CSO participation in decision-making processes, but these provisions do not make consultation mandatory.

Marginalized communities have also been targeted with lawsuits. For example, two lawsuits were filed in 2022 against the Association for Supporting Tarlabasi Community (Tarlabaşı Toplumunu Destekleme Merkezi Derneği/TTM), which has been carrying out activities to empower the people living in Tarlabasi in the face of exclusion, poverty, and inequality, and to improve their awareness about their rights. One lawsuit demanded the termination of the association on the ground that it was “impossible to achieve the association’s objectives”, and the other lawsuit was for the annulment of the association on the basis of they acted against law and morality. The lawsuits, in which spanning dozens of hearing over the last three years, continue as of May 2025. In the hearings held in May 2024, the court had decided to reject the lawsuit for the termination of association, while the lawsuit for the annulment of the association had been postponed to October 2024. The rejection of the case for the termination of association is not final, and is pending before the second-degree court. In 2024, following a costly administrative fine imposed to the association, criminal proceedings were filed against two members of the association’s executive board and its office was also sealed on October 8 on the grounds that it was operating without a license. In the 9th hearing of the closure case held on October 21, the lawyer of the Ministry of Interior requested that the file be sent to a committee, which included an expert on the Law on Associations and a pedagogue or psychologist expert to evaluate whether the associations’s publications harmed children. The court decided to evaluate the Ministry’s request after the conclusion of the ongoing criminal case against the two executives of the association and adjourned the hearing to March 17, 2025. The 10th hearing in the annulment case on March 17, 2025, did not result in a verdict, and the next hearing is scheduled for September 29, 2025. During the hearing, the Ministry of Family’s lawyer objected to the current expert report and requested a new one. Additionally, they submitted a counter-petition in response to the TTM’s request for the Constitutional Court to review Article 89 of the Civil Code. TTM’s lawyers argue that the article is vague and unpredictable, leading to arbitrary restrictions on freedom of association and violating the principles of legal certainty and proportionality. The expert report found no clear evidence that TTM’s activities violated the law or morality, concluding that the association’s purpose remains valid and has not become unattainable.

Barriers to Entry

Article 33 of the Constitution on associations and foundations protects freedom of association. It states that everyone is free to establish associations without permission, that anyone may become a member of associations or give up membership, and that no one can be forced to become or stay as a member of any association. Individuals and legal persons with legal capacity have the right to establish CSOs. There are certain restrictions in special laws applicable to the members of the Turkish Armed Forces, the police force, and civil servants.

The registration process for associations and foundations is regulated by the Law on Associations and the Law on Foundations. To register an association, seven citizens and/or foreigners holding residency permits must apply to the provincial office of the Directorate General for Relations with Civil Society with the necessary list of documents. No registration fee is required. As soon as the association starts official procedures, it is assumed that the association is already founded and can start its activities. The Directorate General for Relations with Civil Society has up to 60 days to review the application. If the administration decides there are missing documents, or the application of association violates the existing rules and regulations, the association is given 30 days to rectify the problem. In addition to Article 62, which requires the general assembly to be held within the first six months, newly founded associations are expected to have 16 members and form their mandatory organs (executive board, internal auditing committee, and general assembly) within six months.

The registration of foundations is more complicated. To establish a foundation, there should be assets (all types of immovable and movable property, including cash, securities and bonds, and rights that have an economic value) allocated for the specified purpose of the foundation. The Council of Foundations, highest decision-making body of the General Directorate of Foundations, determines the minimum asset value applicable on the establishment of a foundation on an annual basis. As of 2025, the minimum value is set at 2,000,000 TL (approximately $54,855). Foundations are founded by a charter verified by a court. This charter contains information on the title, purpose, assets, and rights to attain its goals, as well as organs and applicable administrative procedures. The foundation is granted legal personality when it is approved by the court and registered by the General Directorate of Foundations. The timeline for establishing a foundation varies depending on the workload of the courts.

The Law on Associations contains vague limitations (e.g. general morality, public order) that invite the exercise of excessive governmental discretion into the activities of CSOs, particularly at the time of registration. According to Article 56 of the Turkish Civil Code, “No association may be formed for an object contrary to the laws and morality.” Article 101 of the Civil Code states that the “formation of a foundation contrary to the characteristics of the Republic defined by the Constitution, Constitutional rules, laws, ethics, national integrity and national interest, or with the aim of supporting a distinctive race or community, is restricted.”

According to implementing regulations for the Law on Associations, associations seeking office space within residential buildings must secure the permission of all residents living in the building—a requirement that is burdensome at best, and in some cases practically impossible. The failure to secure office space may be a barrier to the process of registration for associations. Additionally, associations are not allowed to utilize shared offices with another legal entity or a natural person. The restriction on shared offices does not have a statutory basis, but it has arisen from an opinion of law department of Ministry of Interior.

To form a federation or a confederation, the Law on Associations requires a minimum of five and three organizations, respectively, to come together. Problematically, however, the law requires that member organizations must have the “same purpose,” which is unnecessarily limiting.

Foreign organizations are subjected to serious bureaucratic hurdles when opening a branch office in Türkiye. Permission must be granted by the Ministry of Interior upon the opinion of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, to operate or open a branch office in Türkiye. The legislation does not provide a time limit for the Ministry of Interior to respond to foreign CSOs’ applications to operate in Türkiye. According to the guidelines published by the Directorate General for Relations with Civil Society, the conclusion period of foreign CSOs’ applications varies depending on the field of activity of the CSO, the region where the activities will be carried out, the origin country, and their international recognition, among other things. Under Article 22 of the Regulation on Associations, the establishment of branches and representative offices by foreign foundations in Türkiye is subject to the reciprocity condition and is restricted to situations deemed beneficial for cooperation on an international level. As of May 2025, 116 foreign CSOs were listed as permitted to work in Türkiye.

There has been a sharp decline in the number of association members from 11,239,693 in 2017 to 8,146,674 in June 2020. This decline may partially be due to the member notification requirement which came into effect in 2018. Authorities explain the decline with the death or resignation of existing members of CSOs, and the deletion of double-recordings by the headquarters and branches of CSOs. The statistics of association members were not available in the official website of General Directorate of Relations with Civil Society until 2025. As of June 2025, the number of association members is 8,356,587. Moreover, the regulations requiring the disclosure of personal data upon joining associations discourage potential new members. Besides this, on April 22, 2022, the Parliament adopted the Law on Sport Clubs and Sport Federations (No: 7405), which allows sports clubs and sport federations to transform their status from an association into a corporation. Approximately 20,000 sports clubs and sports federations have changed their status into a corporation, the number of registered associations in Türkiye declined accordingly.

Barriers to Operational Activity

Permissible purposes. Legislation does not explicitly limit the purposes of associations and foundations. However, Law No. 4721 of the Civil Code states associations and foundations “cannot adopt a purpose or aim that is contradictory with law or morality.” Associations and foundations are not prohibited from directly engaging in political activities, but rights-based CSOs reportedly face more government interference in practice than others.

Internal Affairs. Associations are required to maintain four ‘books’ and are subject to sanctions for failing to “duly” keep these books and to fulfill notification requirements on time. Additionally, CSOs must complete standard forms before receiving or utilizing foreign funding and opening new branches or offices. (See “Barriers to Resources” for more details.)

Counter-terrorism measures. The Law on Preventing Financing of Proliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction No. 7262 entered into force on December 31, 2020. The main justification for the law is to conform Turkish law with international standards in the fight against terrorist financing and money laundering, in light of the 2019 report of the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) and the UN Security Council (UNSC) resolutions. The Law mandates changes in various laws, including the Law on Collection of Aid and the Law on Associations, and will significantly undermine the freedom of association and operation of CSOs. In the event that a prosecution is initiated against the board members or staff of associations with regards to terrorist financing, money laundering, and drug trafficking crimes, the Law allows the Minister of Interior to suspend the individuals or the organs that the relevant individuals hold as a temporary measure. The Minister of Interior also can immediately apply to civil courts to ask for a temporary suspension of activities of the association. Many CSOs opposed the new law, including through a joint statement named #siviltoplumsusturulamaz (#civilsocietycannotbesilenced) to explain CSOs’ concerns about the law. Thus far, a large number of CSOs working in the field of human rights and other receiving funds from abroad have been subjected to inspections. Some of these inspections have been repetitive and cumbersome and have impeded overall operations. CSOs further reported minor penalties but one CSO had to undergo a court process, which could culminate in termination.

With the amendment to the Regulation on Associations on October 10, 2021, the risk analysis conducted by DGRCS is essential for association audits, and the risk analysis and evaluation criteria will be reviewed annually. Associations are expected to be categorized as low, medium, and high-risk based on the assessment of the risks of their assets that are proceeds from money laundering and financing terrorism. Accordingly, associations in the medium and high-risk categories are subject to audits as deemed necessary based on annual evaluations, while associations in the low-risk category are audited based on requests from judicial and administrative authorities, complaints, or administrative obligations. However, due to the lack of cooperation with CSOs and insufficient guidance by DGRCS, CSOs find the regulations restrictive and vague. Moreover, DGRCS has not informed CSOs about which risk group they are in, and prolonged inspections, multiple inspections per year, and the imposition of fines without prior notification to correct mistakes have persisted.

Although Türkiye quickly enacted Law No. 7262 without any consultation with CSOs to avoid being included in the FATF gray list, the country was included in the gray list in October 2021. However, the assessment published by the FATF in July 2023 highlighted that Türkiye has taken positive steps towards improving its AML/CFT regime that it would be re-rated from “compliant” to “largely compliant.” In June 2024, the country was removed from the FATF’s grey list.

According to the fact sheet on Human Rights Violations Data in Türkiye, which was published by the Human Rights Foundation of Turkey (HRFT) and Human Rights Association (HRA), as of December 10, 2024, at least 76 people who were members or executives of various associations, foundations, unions, professional organizations, initiatives, and platforms were detained. Among them, 22 were arrested, while 15 were released under judicial control. At least 404 members and executives of various associations, foundations, unions, professional organizations, initiatives, and platforms were prosecuted in 92 previously filed cases. While 49 people were acquitted, 84 were sentenced to prison for varying durations.

The UPR Advocacy Report 2025, prepared by the Murat Çekiç Human Rights Association, Kaos GL and May 17 Association within the scope of the United Nations’ 4th Universal Periodic Review (UPR) on Türkiye, revealed that Türkiye systematically violates the rights of LGBTI+s, including freedom of association, speech and assembly. While the report shows that freedom of assembly is completely suspended, all meetings and protests of LGBTI+ organizations, especially pride marches, are systematically banned by administrative decrees, it emphasizes that freedom of association is restricted, and advocacy efforts are criminalized through investigations and administrative audits targeting LGBTI+ associations.

In an open letter dated May 16, 2025, Human Rights Watch and 57 human rights organizations, media freedom groups, journalists’ organizations and representatives of the international legal community call on European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen and European Council President António Costa to place the protection of civil society and democratic freedoms at the center of the European Union’s engagement with Türkiye. The letter expresses concern over the Turkish government’s escalating repression of political opposition, independent media outlets and civil society organizations through misuse of criminal laws, arbitrary administrative obstacles, and growing limitations on freedom of association. The letter emphasizes that the wide-ranging crackdown has led to a pervasive chilling effect on human rights and civil society and has further eroded the right to political participation.

Notable examples of restrictions on CSO operations in 2024 and 2025 include the following:

1. The Ministry of Finance and the Ministry of Interior decided to freeze the assets of Göçizder (Migration Monitoring Association) and some of the former chairpersons of the association, with their closure case still ongoing. The former chairpersons of the association, whose assets were frozen, had previously been tried and acquitted on charges of financing a terrorist organization and membership in a terrorist organization. In December 2024, the court ruled to dissolve the association in a hearing on the closure of Göçizder.
2. The Bakırköy Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office indicted İstanbul Bar Association President İbrahim Kaboğlu and 10 board members for terrorism-related offenses over a statement on the deaths of journalists Nazım Daştan and Cihan Bilgin in a drone strike in northern Syria. The indictment claims Daştan and Bilgin were PKK militants and accuses the bar association of falsely portraying them as journalists. Prosecutors allege the statement “disturbed public order” and “legitimized the use of force, violence, or threats by a terrorist organization.” The prosecution has sought prison terms of three to 12 years for “terrorist propaganda” (Anti-Terror Law, Article 7/2) and “publicly disseminating misleading information” (Turkish Penal Code, Article 217/A). Subsequently, İstanbul Bar Association board member Av. Fırat Epözdemir was arrested on January 25, 2025. His detention was based on events from a decade earlier, with evidence allegedly fabricated from a case that had already been dismissed with a final non-prosecution decision. The ongoing investigation into the board members remains pending and has led to the initiation of a separate civil action seeking their dismissal from the board. The first hearing for this case was held on March 4, 2025, during which Istanbul Bar Association President İbrahim Kaboğlu and board members appeared before the court. The court rejected the Constitutional Court referral request and denied most bar associations’ intervention, allowing only the Union of Turkish Bar Associations (TBB) to join. On March 21, 2025, the second hearing of the lawsuit demanding the dismissal of the Istanbul Bar Association President and Executive Board members was held in the Istanbul 27th High Criminal Court. The case drew significant attention from the legal community and civil society. Around 350 people filled the courtroom, including representatives from bar associations, civil society organizations, members of parliament, and international observers. Lawyer Fırat Epözdemir attended the hearing via SEGBİS (video conference system). The president of the Bar Association, Prof. Dr. İbrahim Kaboğlu, and his legal team argued that the lawsuit is unconstitutional and politically motivated. They requested that the case be referred to the Constitutional Court for a review of Article 77/5 of the Attorneys’ Act, which they claim is being misused. Kaboğlu emphasized that the bar’s public statements were in line with their constitutional role of defending the rule of law and human rights, and warned against the erosion of bar associations’ independence. TBB President Erinç Sağkan also criticized the prosecution’s approach, accusing the Istanbul Chief Prosecutor’s Office of overstepping legal boundaries and undermining legal protections like the presumption of innocence. Despite lengthy objections and requests for adjournment from the defense, the court proceeded to issue its decision. Citing Article 77/5 of the Attorneys’ Act No. 1136, the court ruled to dismiss the current executive board and ordered new elections within one month. The dismissal decision is not final and now pending before the second degree court.
3. The Istanbul Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office launched an investigation on February 11, 2025 targeting nine municipalities governed by the main opposition party, CHP, in Istanbul, resulting in the detention of 10 individuals. In its statement, the Istanbul Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office alleged that the detainees acted within the framework of ‘urban consensus’ under the instructions of a ‘terrorist organization’ during the March 31, 2024, local elections, aiming to enhance the organization’s influence in metropolitan areas. The ‘urban consensus’ was a legitimate election alliance formed between CHP and the DEM Party for the 2024 local elections. The detained municipal officials were arrested, sparking reactions from all opposition parties. Numerous CSOs issued statements condemning the arrests as unlawful, asserting that they violated election security and the right to vote and be elected.
4. On the morning of February 18, 2025, 52 people, including journalists, CSO representatives and politicians, were taken into custody following raids on their homes. The Istanbul Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office announced that the detentions were carried out as part of an investigation into the People’s Democratic Congress. The detainees were accused of participating in the founding of the People’s Democratic Congress, which is a civil-political alliance. After four days of detention, 30 of those people brought before the court were arrested. Among those arrested were five journalists working for critical media outlets or as independent reporters. Political parties, press and professional organizations, and CSOs stated that legitimate civil and political activities do not constitute a crime and condemned the arrests as unlawful and a violation of freedom of association and freedom of expression. While five people arrested within the scope of the case were released without a hearing, no release decision has been given so far in the hearings that started in May. On May 21, at the end of the hearing, co-spokespersons of the Peoples’ Democratic Congress (HDK), representatives of political parties and human rights organizations made a statement and emphasized that HDK activities are carried out within the framework of freedom of association, and that the criminalization of the ‘urban consensus’, which was a legitimate election alliance formed between CHP and the DEM Party, aims to choke the opposition and suspend the right to vote and be elected, especially for Kurdish citizens.
5. Lawyer Selçuk Kozağaçlı, honorary president of the Progressive Lawyers’ Association (ÇHD), who has been imprisoned for eight years, was released from prison on April 16, but was arrested again less than a day later. Kozağaçlı was sent back to prison hours after his release, following an appeal by the prosecutor’s office against the Bakırköy Execution Judgeship’s decision to release him on probation, which was overturned by the Execution Judgeship. Legal experts emphasize that the prosecutor’s appeal against the decision of the Administrative and Monitoring Board should be evaluated by the High Criminal Court, not the Execution Judge, and that similar practices of misuse of law have been faced before by human rights activists and dissidents such as Kozağaçlı and Osman Kavala.

Barriers to Speech / Advocacy

Article 25 of the Constitution states that “Everyone has the freedom of thought and opinion. No one shall be compelled to reveal his/her thoughts and opinions for any reason or purpose; nor shall anyone be blamed or accused because of his/her thoughts and opinions.” According to Article 26, freedom of expression may be restricted for the purposes of “national security, public order, public safety, safeguarding the basic characteristics of the Republic and the indivisible integrity of the State with its territory and nation, preventing crime, punishing offenders, withholding information duly classified as a state secret, protecting the reputation or rights and private and family life of others, or protecting professional secrets as prescribed by law, or ensuring the proper functioning of the judiciary.”

Since 2013, however, the freedom of expression has been under increasing threat in Türkiye through arbitrary and restrictive legislative interpretation, pressure, dismissals, and frequent court cases against journalists, writers, and social media users. The number of people in Türkiye prosecuted and convicted for “insulting the president” has risen sharply. The Ministry of Justice published its report based on data from judicial units. According to the report, the number of files at the Chief Public Prosecutor Office in 2023 on allegations of “insulting the president” and “degrading the symbols of state sovereignty” is 25,520.

Türkiye’s Constitutional Court ruled that disciplinary penalties given by universities to members of the Academics for Peace, who have been dismissed from their positions in universities through decrees after signing a 2016 petition calling on Turkish authorities to initiate a peaceful solution to the Kurdish Turkish conflict, had violated their right to freedom of speech and expression. This is the second time that the Court ruled that there was a violation of rights of the academics. Accordingly, the Court ordered authorities to pay the academics non-pecuniary damages.

However, repression and intimidation against human rights defenders continues and the space for freedom of speech and advocacy has significantly deteriorated in Türkiye. Human rights defenders, journalists, academics, and LGBTI+ rights advocates undergo various forms of reprisals, discrimination, and attacks, including threats, stigmatization, judicial harassment, prolonged arbitrary detention, and travel bans. All of these restrictions have led to self-censorship by activists and discourage others from participating and actively playing a role in CSOs and advocacy for guaranteeing human rights.

According to the 2024 statistics of the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR), a total of 28,800 applications were allocated to a judicial process against 47 European countries. Türkiye accounted for the highest percentage of pending applications, with 35.8% of the total. Specifically, there were 21,600 pending applications concerning Türkiye. In 2024, the ECHR delivered 1,102 judgments, 73 of which concerned Türkiye, making it the third most frequently judicated country that year. Of these 73 judgments, at least one violation of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) was found in 67 cases. The most frequently violated article was Article 5, which guarantees the right to liberty and security. The second most frequently violated right was freedom of expression, protected under Article 10 of the Convention.

A number of reports have documented restrictions on freedom of speech and advocacy in Türkiye. For example, the Reporters Without Borders’ 2025 World Press Freedom Index ranked Türkiye 159 out of 180 countries. The country ranked 99th in 2002, 151st in 2016, and 158th in 2024. Making a statement on World Press Freedom Day on May 3, RSF Türkiye representative Erol Önderoğlu points out that this backsliding depends on economic factors alongside the political pressure and control over journalists and media outlets. He points to practices such as discriminatory public support of media capital through advertisements, targeting critical media outlets with arbitrary fines, and the lack of support for independent media’s revenue models in the digital age results the univocal media landscape. The State of the World’s Human Rights: April 2025, which was launched by Amnesty International, covered Türkiye, and mentioned:

• The executive’s interference with the judiciary increasingly undermining democratic principles and human rights protections.
• Baseless investigations, prosecutions and convictions of human rights defenders, journalists, opposition politicians and others.
• The rights to freedom of assembly and association were unlawfully restricted.
• Arbitrary detentions, arrests and legal actions against individuals expressing opposition to government policies.
• Victims of human rights violations by state officials continuing to face a culture of impunity.
• Civil society organizations faced increasing pressure, with the government attempting to pass laws that would label certain CSOs as agents of influence, thereby stigmatizing and restricting their operations. Such legislative efforts threatened the independence and functionality of civil society.
• Human rights organizations reported difficulties in conducting their work due to bureaucratic obstacles and a hostile environment fostered by state authorities.

The Human Rights Watch 2025 World Report found out that in 2024 human rights violations in Türkiye persisted, with increasing pressure on freedom of expression, judicial independence, and civil society. The government continued targeting critical media outlets, imposing censorship, and tightening control over digital spaces through restrictive social media regulations. Journalists, academics, and human rights defenders faced judicial harassment, arbitrary detentions, and prolonged trials. Women’s and LGBTQ+ rights deteriorated further, particularly following Türkiye’s withdrawal from the Istanbul Convention. Discrimination and deportation concerns regarding refugees and migrants intensified, with reports of forced returns. Additionally, security operations against Kurdish groups were accompanied by allegations of human rights abuses, raising concerns about due process and fair treatment.

According to the fact sheet on Human Rights Violations Data in Türkiye, which was published by the Human Rights Foundation of Turkey (HRFT) and Human Rights Association (HRA), as of December 10, 2024, at least 29 journalists and media professionals were in prison in Türkiye. Between January 1 and November 30, 2024, 43 journalists were detained, 11 journalists were arrested, and one journalist was prevented from entering the country. 141 people were also detained, 40 people were arrested, and 14 people were released on judicial control conditions as a result of their social media posts. In addition, at least 20 people, including 4 journalists, were detained and investigations were launched against at least 127 people, including 15 journalists, on allegations of “publicly disseminating misleading information.” The Radio and Television Supreme Council (RTÜK) further imposed penalties (such as administrative fines, suspension of a certain programs or full broadcast activities) on 25 TV outlets.

According to the BİA Media Monitoring Report, press freedom faced severe violations in 2024. At least 25 journalists and five media outlets were attacked, while 82 media representatives—mostly targeted by the MHP and affiliated groups—were threatened amid judicial inaction. Ten journalists were imprisoned, and 57 reporters and YouTubers were detained and often faced police violence and judicial control measures like travel bans and house arrest. Authorities blocked access to 3,136 news reports and imposed three broadcast bans. Three journalists were also convicted of “insulting the President,” while 17 others face up to four years and eight months in prison. By the end of 2024, five journalists (Timur Soykan, Barış Pehlivan, İsmail Arı, Ceren Sözeri, Hazal Ocak) and six media outlets were on trial in lawsuits totaling 4,015,000 liras for alleged “violations of personal rights.” For example, Halk Bankası sued BirGün Newspaper and journalist Timur Soykan for 1 million liras over an article about a 550 million lira loan to the mafia.

The most significant obstacle to freedom of expression is the vague content of certain laws and regulation in the Turkish Penal Code, particularly the Anti-Terror Law. At least 15 articles of the Turkish Penal Code and several special laws contain provisions that limit and violate freedom of expression. The most restrictive regulations are Article 301 (denigrating the Turkish nation and the state), Article 299 (insulting the President), Article 216 (inciting people to hatred and hostility) and Article 220/6 (committing crimes on behalf of an organization without being a member of the organization) of the Turkish Penal Code and Articles 6 and 7/2 (making propaganda for a terrorist organization) of the Anti-Terror Law. Furthermore, with Law No. 7418, known as the “Censorship Law”, which amended the Press Law, the restrictions on journalists in particular have increased.

In January 2024, the Constitutional Court canceled some articles of Law No. 5651 (the Internet Law). The Constitutional Court found Article 9 of the law, which allows the blocking of access and removal of content on the grounds of a “violation of personal rights”, to be unconstitutional. The Constitutional Court noted that the article subject does not provide a gradual intervention method for restricting internet content on behalf of protecting personal rights and the article does not provide procedural safeguards to prevent arbitrary behavior of public authorities. The Law, which the government referred to as the “regulation to combat disinformation” and which the opposition labeled as the “censorship law,” had been approved on October 13, 2022.

As part of the declaration of 2025 as the “Year of the Family,” the Ministry of Family and Social Services issued a circular in May instructing public institutions to refrain from using universal, rights-based concepts and policies—such as gender, gender identity, LGBT, and SOGIESC (sexual orientation, gender identity, gender expression, and sex characteristics), as well as comprehensive sexuality education—in their work with national and international institutions, CSOs, and other stakeholders. In response, numerous human rights and professional organizations, particularly CSOs working on women’s and LGBTI+ rights, have issued statements calling for the circular’s withdrawal. They argue that it contradicts international human rights standards and violates the principle of non-discrimination. The implementation of the circular also risks excluding many CSOs focused on gender equality, women’s rights, and LGBTI+ rights from public-CSO cooperation, participation, and consultation mechanisms and restricting their advocacy efforts.

Restrictions on speech continued in 2025, including the following cases, among others:

– The talent manager Ayşe Barım was subjected to a travel ban on January 10, 2025 as part of an investigation launched against based on allegations of monopolization in the television and entertainment industry. Later, on January 24, 2025, she was detained on charges of “attempting to overthrow the government of the Republic of Türkiye or prevent it from performing its duties” based on allegations that she was one of the organizers of the 2013 Gezi Park protests. Although the draft bill on crime of “agents of influence” has not been adopted in Parliament, Barım was still accused of acting as an “influence agent”. This development has raised concerns, particularly among CSOs, media organizations, and journalists, that the draft bill on the crime of “agents of influence” might still be implemented in practice. On January 27, 2025, Barım was arrested and sent to prison under these charges. Following an appeal by her lawyers, the 8th Criminal Court of First Instance in Istanbul ruled for her release. However, upon the objection of the Istanbul Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office, the 20th High Criminal Court overturned this decision and ruled for Barım’s continued detention. Following Barım’s arrest, the Istanbul Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office began reviewing media broadcasts related to the 2013 Gezi Park protests. As part of this process, the Radio and Television Supreme Council (RTÜK) was instructed to identify media outlets that allegedly propagated the protests and contributed to the spread of social unrest. The prosecutor’s request poses a risk of new investigations being launched against multiple media outlets and opens the door to serious violations of freedom of expression and press freedom.

– At the Turkish Industry and Business Association (TÜSİAD) Ordinary General Assembly Meeting in Istanbul on February 13, 2025, TÜSİAD High Advisory Council President Ömer Aras and TÜSİAD President of the Board of Directors Orhan Turan delivered opening remarks highlighting the increasing complexity and severity of social and political issues, particularly those affecting industrialists and businesspeople. Following their speeches, both TÜSİAD leaders were targeted by numerous politicians from the ruling party, including the Minister of Justice. Their remarks were accused of attempting to influence the judiciary and politics and interfering with the state. Immediately afterward, the Istanbul Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office launched an ex officio investigation against them on charges of “attempting to influence a fair trial” and “publicly spreading false information”. In response, TÜSİAD issued a statement affirming that the speeches aligned with the association’s mission and reiterated its emphasis on the rule of law. On February 19, in his speech at the parliament, the President of Türkiye accused TÜSİAD of inciting public unrest and attempting to provoke and pressure the state and judiciary. Just hours later, the Istanbul Public Prosecutor’s Office ordered the detention of Orhan Turan and Ömer Aras under police supervision for questioning. The two leaders were taken from their homes and brought to the prosecutor’s office. They were then referred to the Criminal Judgeship of Peace with a request for judicial control measures. The judgeship ruled to impose a travel ban on both Ömer Aras and Orhan Turan as a judicial control measure. Subsequently, a lawsuit was filed against TÜSİAD President Orhan Turan and Ömer Aras on the charge of “publicly disseminating misleading information through the press and publications” and with a possible prison sentence of up to 5 years and 3 months. On May 20, the public prosecutor announced his final opinion at the first hearing and demanded that the defendants be sentenced to 5 years and 6 months imprisonment each on charges of ‘publicly disseminating misleading information in a chain’ and ‘attempting to influence a fair trial in a chain’. Aras and Turan argued in their defense that they shared their suggestions and experiences in line with the ideas set out in the association’s statute and that the statements at issue were within the scope of freedom of expression. The hearing was adjourned until September 23. The ban on leaving the country was lifted.

– Since March 19, there has been a concerted effort to suppress press freedom and hinder the dissemination and coordination of protests via social media. Platform X (formerly known as Twitter) publicly stated its objection to “multiple court orders from the Turkish Information and Communication Technologies Authority seeking the blocking of over 700 accounts belonging to news outlets, journalists, political figures, and students.” Numerous accounts, including those belonging to feminist and youth organizations, journalists, and activists, were blocked domestically. Meta also disclosed that it had been subjected to a “substantial” fine for failing to comply with content restriction demands by Turkish authorities. Several television broadcasters received administrative penalties, including monetary fines and temporary broadcasting bans, from the Radio and Television Supreme Council (RTÜK) on allegations of “incitement to hatred and enmity” for airing footage of peaceful protests. In total, 14 journalists were taken into custody; 8 were remanded in pre-trial detention, 7 were released, and one journalist was deported after arrest. On May 8, ARTICLE 19, the Freedom of Expression Association (İFÖD) and Human Rights Watch published an open letter to the chief executive officers of Meta, TikTok, X and YouTube,  urging them to respect the right to freedom of expression of users in Türkiye and to resist the government’s censorship practices that restrict forms of expression guaranteed by international human rights law. The letter also documented severe censorship practices adopted following the detention of Istanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu along with 84 other municipal officials and politicians on March 19, 2025. Internet users in Istanbul faced band throttling (internet slowdown), which severely restricted access to social media platforms and messaging apps for 42 hours. 471 X accounts were blocked between March 19 and April 12; İmamoğlu’s Turkish X account, which was followed by 9.7 million people was also blocked. The letter emphasized that the government’s specific focus on accounts belonging to journalists, political figures, student organizations, women’s organizations shows that the intention is to prevent protesters from coordinating and to silence opposing voices.

Barriers to Resources

Foreign Funding

There are no limitations on foreign funding, but there is a notification requirement for foreign funding. Foundations must notify public authorities within one month after receiving the funding, while associations must notify the government before using the funding and before sending the funds.

The Regulation on Associations was amended on July 9, 2020 to require foreign foundations and associations to notify the government upon the receipt of donations in cash or in kind from abroad, even if the donation comes from its headquarters. Previously, funds originating from the headquarters were not subject to a prior notification.

There are cases where CSOs receiving foreign funding have been subjected to smear campaigns by media outlets and politicians. The enactment of the ‘agents of influence’ proposal in 2024 risks these smear campaigns easily turning into criminal investigations. This would make CSOs’ right to seek and secure funding for their activities insecure and could result in CSOs becoming more reluctant to utilize foreign funding.

Domestic Funding

CSOs face serious problems in their fundraising activities due to the highly restrictive and overly bureaucratic Law on Collection of Aid (No 1983, 23/6/1983). The Law requires permission for each fundraising activity by a CSO though an application procedure in which the CSO is requested to provide detailed information (e.g., amount of money to be raised, how it will be used, the timeframe of the activity, and where it will be conducted). The decision to grant approval or disapproval lies with the local state authority. Associations and foundations must obtain permission to collect donations in open public spaces and via internet (e.g., activities on the street, public campaigning, internet fundraising, etc.). In May 2022, the accounts of Nesin Foundation were blocked for breaching the Law of Aid Collection during a fundraising campaign for which no permit had been received. This incident highlighted the over-restrictive nature of that Law and the need for change.

While the Law on Collection of Aid does not apply to voluntary donations, and while CSOs do not have to secure an official permit to publish their bank account number on their website, most other online forms of soliciting donations are regulated. For example, associations cannot start up a SMS donation campaign or a fundraising campaign on their websites or social media accounts without getting permission. This results in a repressive environment for donation collection and income generating activities of CSOs. In addition to the challenges posed by legislation, there are also practices that make it more difficult to obtain permission to collect aid. CSOs applying for an aid collection permit, for example, have been asked to sign a protocol with the ministry regarding their area of work, even though the legislation does not require them to do so. The lack of a protocol is, moreover, used as a reason to reject the application. Certain CSOs may receive an exemption from the Law on Collection of Aid. However, as of May 2025, only 51 CSOs have such an exemption, which is strikingly few. Moreover, some of those CSOs with an exemption were founded by law and are administered by the state.

There is also a general lack of strategy and coordination among ministries, which impacts public funding. There is no regular and continuous public funding mechanism that supports the institutional infrastructure and activities of CSOs. There is also a lack of data on the total amount of annual public funding; the total budgets, modality, and forms of funding for CSOs are determined at the discretion of ministries. There is no standardized approach, code of conduct, or legislation on public funding mechanisms to support the capacities and activities of CSOs.

Economic activities of CSOs are permitted only if they are conducted by a separate corporate subsidiary. In this case, the CSO is obliged to register the subsidiary in the trade registry. Thus, the commercial enterprises of associations and foundations are treated as business corporations, and the corporate tax is levied on profits. This places burdens on CSOs that would undertake economic activities to create social benefit.

Barriers to Assembly

The legal framework for the exercise of assembly in Türkiye includes the Constitution; Law No. 2911 on Meetings and Demonstrations, which was adopted on October 6, 1983; the Regulation on the Implementation of Law on Meetings and Demonstrations, adopted on August, 8, 1985; Law No. 2559 on the Duties and Discretion of the Police; Law No. 3713 on The Prevention of Terrorism Acts; and Law No. 5326 on Misdemeanors.

Article 34 of the Constitution recognizes the right of citizens to organize an assembly and demonstration without having to obtain any prior authorization. However, Law No. 2911 on Meetings and Demonstrations significantly limits the right to peaceful assembly with vague grounds for limitations. In accordance with Article 34 of the Constitution, rights to assembly and demonstrations may be restricted on the grounds of “preservation of national security,” “public order,” “prevention of crime,” and protection of “public morality” and “public health.” Although these restrictive measures are arguably in compliance with Article 11 of the European Convention on Human Rights, they continue to be interpreted restrictively and in an arbitrary fashion.

Furthermore, under Article 10 of Law on Meetings and Demonstrations, all members of the organizing committee must sign a declaration 48 hour prior to the assembly and submit it to the district governor’s office during working hours. If they fail to do so, the government considers the assembly illegal and is authorized to take all measures to disperse it, which may include police intervention. The Law Amending the Law on Powers and Duties of the Police, Other Laws and Decrees, which Parliament passed in March 2015 and is widely referred to as the “Internal Security Reform Package,” strengthened police powers during demonstrations by extending police authority to detain anyone without consulting the prosecutor’s office.

In its judgment of September 28, 2017, the Constitutional Court held unconstitutional certain provisions of Law No. 2911 on Meetings and Demonstrations – namely, provisions that require “ending assemblies and demonstrations before sunset, and a ban on them from being carried out on public roads and not making daily lives of citizens difficult.” Law No. 7145 on the Amendment of Some Laws and Emergency Decrees, which was subsequently adopted on July 25, 2018, contains regulations on assemblies, demonstrations, and marches and replaced the phrase “meeting and walking must be dispersed before the sunset” with “to be ended one hour after the sunset of the sun, at the beginning of night time.” This amendment has been interpreted as a forward-looking change in accordance with the Constitutional Court’s decision.

Among the most significant restrictions on assemblies in 2024 in early 2025 were the following:

– In December 2024, the Human Rights Foundation of Turkey (HRFT) and Human Rights Association (HRA) published a fact sheet on Human Rights Violations Data in Türkiye 2024. According to the data of the HRA Documentation Unit, between January 1 and November 30, 2024, law enforcement forces interfered in at least 207 peaceful meetings and demonstrations and 2,805 people, including 81 children, were detained and faced torture or other forms of ill treatment. Local governorships imposed bans on all demonstrations and events 83 times in 25 cities and in one district, with durations ranging from a minimum of one day to a maximum of 15 days.

– The police attacked trans activists who wanted to hold a press statement and march on November 20, 2024, the Day of Remembrance for Trans Victims of Hate Crimes, upon the call of Ankara Pride Week Committee. Four people, including a lawyer, were detained during the police crackdown on the march. The detainees were released after their statements were taken at the police station, and their medical examinations were conducted. Istanbul Governorate made a statement ahead of the planned marches as part of the “November 25th International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women” and announced that events on November 25-26, 2024 were banned. In the statement, it was reported that this decision was taken “based on the possibility that individuals who are sympathetic to terrorism may take part in these groups and abuse them for their own purposes.” Despite the governor’s ban, women’s organizations called for an evening gathering in Taksim’s Tünel Square. Police sealed off all side streets leading to İstiklal Avenue with barricades from midday, blocking access to the central pedestrian thoroughfare and evacuating the area. As the police did not allow gatherings in the vicinity of Taksim, groups of women moved towards the shoreline and gathered near Karaköy Pier. The police detained 169 women during and after the protest. Most of the detained women were released after their statements to the police and two of them were released after their statements to the prosecutor’s office. Five women who were referred to the court with the demand of arrest after their statements to the prosecutor’s office were released on judicial control conditions.

– Similar to previous years, the government imposed numerous restrictions on gatherings and protests organized for March 8 International Women’s Day. On March 8, 2025, at least 24 women were detained in the rally in Kadıköy district in İstanbul. A day before, the Feminist Night March, which was organized for the 23rd time, was banned in Istanbul. All public transportation lines and metro stations were closed in and around Taksim, and vehicle and pedestrian access to Taksim Square and İstiklal Avenue were blocked with barriers. The Istanbul Bar Association filed a lawsuit for the annulment of the decision of the Beyoğlu District Governorate to ban all gatherings and protests. Despite the unfounded ban order of the Beyoğlu district governor’s office, tens of thousands of feminists met at Sıraselviler Street and marched to Cihangir Street for the March 8 Feminist Night March, as in previous years. After the end of the march, the police blockaded a group of about 200 people who wanted to disperse from the Cihangir Street and detained 112 of them on the grounds of violating Law No. 2911. After hours of detention, 111 activists were released from the police station, while one LGBTI+ activist was released after her statement to the prosecutor’s office.

–  Beginning on March 19, 2025, the detention and arrest of mayors on terrorism-related charges, widely perceived as politically motivated, ignited widespread protests across the country. These protests, while initially triggered by the detentions, soon converged with ongoing demands for justice, fundamental rights, and broader political change. Predominantly led by students and young people, the demonstrations reflected deep-rooted grievances and a growing call for democratic accountability. Despite the spontaneous nature of these gatherings and the high level of public participation, the demonstrations remained predominantly peaceful. Nevertheless, state authorities responded with sweeping restrictions, excessive use of force—including actions that may amount to torture and other forms of ill-treatment—and arbitrary detentions targeting individuals peacefully exercising their rights to freedom of expression and assembly. The Istanbul Governor’s Office was the first to introduce a general ban on all protests and meetings within the city.

On March 19, 2025, a four-day prohibition (covering the period betweenMarch 19-23) was issued, purportedly to “maintain public order and prevent potential provocative demonstrations.” This decision, which encompassed a ban on “all types of meetings, demonstrations, and press statements.” On March 22 2025, the same Office extended the prohibition until 23:59 on March 26, 2025, citing the need to “prevent criminal activity, ensure national security, protect fundamental rights and freedoms, safeguard the rights of others, and maintain public order and security.” The extension also included a prohibition on the entry into Istanbul of “individuals, groups and vehicles” suspected of intending to participate in unlawful assemblies. Thus, a total of 8 days of restrictions were imposed in Istanbul.

Following this, the Governors of Ankara, İzmir, and Manisa implemented similar five-day general bans as of March 21 2025. On March 25, the Governor of Ankara prolonged the ban for an additional 7 days, while the İzmir Governor extended the measure for an additional 4 days. Numerous video recordings from the demonstrations documented the use of excessive and potentially lethal force by law enforcement personnel. These materials reveal the use of physical violence—including batons, kicking, and dragging—as well as indiscriminate deployment of chemical agents such as pepper spray and tear gas, in addition to the use of water cannons against demonstrators who posed no threat.

According to the Human Rights Foundation of Turkey Documentation Center, from March 19 to 28, in at least 15 instances across five cities, law enforcement authorities employed physical force and chemical agents to disperse peaceful assemblies. According to the statement made by the Minister of Interioron March 27, 2025, a total of 1,879 individuals had been taken into police custody nationwide since March 19. Of these, 260 individuals were placed in pre-trial detention, and judicial control measures (such as travel bans and house arrest) were imposed on 468 individuals. While 489 persons were released, 662 individuals reportedly remained in police custody as of March 27, pending judicial review.

Independent reports, however, suggest that the total number of detainees exceeds 2,000, with at least 316 persons held in pre-trial detention. Many of these individuals were detained following home raids conducted by anti-terrorism units across multiple cities and dates. Due to the large volume of detentions, many individuals remained in police custody for extended periods. Numerous procedural irregularities were reported.The Progressive Lawyers’ Association (ÇHD) and the Ankara Bar Association documented instances of detainees being denied access to legal counsel, subjected to unlawful medical examinations, strip searches, and, in one case, sexual violence during arrest. Despite these reports, no investigations were initiated. At least 316 people were placed in pre-trial detention on vague grounds, though 186 were later released after courts found no legal basis under Article 100 of the Criminal Procedure Code. As of April 8, 278 individuals remained in detention, while authorities initiated 20 criminal cases against 819 people, labeling the protests “unauthorized” in contradiction with constitutional protections for peaceful assembly.

– The Lawyers’, Children’s, Women’s, and Human Rights Centers of the Istanbul Bar Association have published a preliminary report on rights violations that occurred in Istanbul during the mass protests, which began on March 19, 2025. The report indicates that the violations were not isolated incidents but part of a systematic and multi-dimensional pattern. It documents the police’s use of excessive and disproportionate force during the protests, including reverse handcuffing, baton strikes with intent to cause injury, deployment of plastic capsules containing pepper powder, water cannons and pepper spray used at close range, and instances of ill-treatment such as physical and sexual violence, sexist insults, and threats. The report further notes that the legal grounds for arrest were not met in many cases and that the deprivation of liberty constituted a violation of the principles of proportionality and the prohibition of undermining the essence of fundamental rights.

– Despite a 2023 Constitutional Court ruling that found the ban on May Day celebrations in Taksim Square to be a rights violation, the square was once again closed to celebrations on May 1, 2025, by the Istanbul Governor’s Office citing security concerns. The city center was placed under heavy police lockdown. On May 29 and 30, more than a hundred people including representatives of political parties, trade unions, and civil society organizations were detained at their homes in what authorities described as a “preventive measure” linked to planned gatherings in Taksim Square. On May 1, the Governor’s Office shut down traffic on many roads throughout Istanbul and suspended services at various points across maritime and rail transit networks. All routes leading to Taksim Square from the districts of Şişli, Beyoğlu, Beşiktaş, and Fatih were closed off and surrounded by police barricades. According to data compiled by the Progressive Lawyers’ Association (ÇHD), 419 people including 10 children and 11 lawyers were detained for protesting the ban on access to Taksim Square. Numerous reports documented instances of torture and ill-treatment by police during the detention process.

– On May 14, students at Boğaziçi University organized a protest on the campus against the invitation of a religious figure, who got reaction with his remarks that “6-year-old girls can be married”, to speak at an event at the university. Police intervened harshly against the protestors and 97 people, including a journalist, were detained. While most of the detainees were released from the police station, among detainees were referred to the Criminal Judgeship of Peace with the demand of arrest, 4 people were released under judicial control measures and 6 people were arrested.

UN Universal Periodic Review Reports	Not available
Reports of UN Special Rapporteurs	Türkiye
European Commission Report	Türkiye 2024
U.S. State Department	2023 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
Fragile States Index Reports	Foreign Policy: Fragile States Index 2024
IMF Country Reports	Türkiye and the IMF
Human Rights Watch	World Report 2025
Amnesty International	The State of the World’s Human Rights 2025
TUSEV	Individual Giving and Philanthropy in Türkiye 2021 Tax Legislation Related to Foundations and Associations in Türkiye and Public Benefit Status: Current Situation and Recommendations Monitoring Matrix on Enabling Environment for Civil Society Development Tax Regulations Concerning Civil Society
International Center for Not-for-Profit Law Online Library	Türkiye
State of Emergency	The Expert Council on NGO Law: “Opinion on The Impact of The State of Emergency on Freedom of Association in Turkey”

While we aim to maintain information that is as current as possible, we realize that situations can rapidly change.  If you are aware of any additional information or inaccuracies on this page, please keep us informed; write to ICNL at ngomonitor@icnl.org.

Key Events

1. According to the 2024 Türkiye Report by the European Commission, Türkiye has seen continued democratic backsliding, particularly in the areas of rule of law, fundamental rights, and judicial independence. Structural deficiencies in the presidential system remain unaddressed, with a centralized concentration of power undermining checks and balances. The report highlighted significant challenges for CSOs, including increased administrative and judicial pressure, restrictive regulations, and shrinking civic space. Freedom of assembly and association is hindered through bans, intimidation, and bureaucratic hurdles. Human rights defenders, activists, and independent CSOs face targeted pressure, limiting their ability to operate freely. Media outlets critical of the government continue to face harassment, fines, and judicial proceedings. The European Commission also notes insufficient efforts to improve human rights protections and address systemic concerns about democratic accountability and pluralism. Civil society remains resilient but faces a hostile operating environment, exacerbating restrictions on civic engagement and advocacy.

2. Since March 19, 2025, a series of large-scale judicial operations targeted the Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality, culminating in the arrest of Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu and dozens of municipal officials and affiliates. The multi-phase investigation was based on serious allegations including forming and leading a criminal organization, bribery, bid rigging, aggravated fraud, unlawful acquisition of personal data, and aiding a terrorist organization, also linked with the above mentioned ‘urban consensus’ investigation. The first wave began on March 19 with the detention of 106 individuals. İmamoğlu was arrested four days later on March 23, along with 30 others, in a move that drew strong national attention. Subsequent waves of the operation expanded the scope significantly. The second wave, on April 26, led to the detention of 52 individuals, including senior municipal officials and executives. Eighteen people were arrested, 26 were released under judicial control, and four were placed under house arrest. The third wave on May 20 focused on the municipality’s media and public relations departments, detaining 22 people, several of whom cooperated with authorities under the “effective remorse” provision. Some people who were initially arrested in this phase were later released to house arrest. The fourth wave, on May 23, targeted high-ranking bureaucrats and executives of municipal subsidiaries. Forty-nine people were detained in this round, though judicial outcomes had not been finalized at the time of reporting. As part of the broader investigation, two district mayors—Şişli Mayor Resul Emrah Şahan and Beylikdüzü Mayor Mehmet Murat Çalık—were also arrested on charges of aiding an armed terrorist organization. Şişli Deputy Mayor Ebru Özdemir was likewise arrested under the same charges.

Following these arrests, the Ministry of Interior suspended all three from their duties. The Şişli District Governor, was appointed as a trustee in place of Şahan. İmamoğlu and Çalık were also formally suspended from office. The investigation, widely referred to as the “city consensus” probe, centers on allegations that İmamoğlu and his administration forged an electoral alliance during the Istanbul municipal elections with the People’s Democratic Congress, a coalition accused of links to terrorist organizations. This alleged political coordination forms the basis of the terrorism-related charges. In this context, IMM Deputy Secretary General Mahir Polat and Reform Institute Director Mehmet Ali Çalışkan were also arrested; Polat was later placed under house arrest due to health issues.

Overall, the operations have led to the detention of at least 229 people, with at least 49 formally arrested, several placed under judicial supervision or house arrest, and multiple high-profile suspensions and trustee appointments. The scale and political sensitivity of the investigation have triggered widespread controversy regarding judicial impartiality, political interference, and the broader implications for democracy in Türkiye. Since March 19, 2025, the political climate in Türkiye has become increasingly tense. The detentions have sparked widespread national and international concern over the state of democracy and rule of law. Protests have erupted in major cities, with opposition parties and civil society condemning the detentions as politically motivated. The government, however, claims that these measures were part of a legal investigation. This development has also deepened societal polarization and intensified debates over judicial independence and democratic backsliding in Türkiye. Police have responded to the protests with disproportionate force in many cities. Human rights organizations have also raised alarm about the government violations, including the mistreatment of detainees and restrictions on freedom of expression and assembly. Within the scope of the investigation, arrests targeting numerous politicians and municipal officials from Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality and other CHP-run district municipalities continue as of the end of May.

General News

Turkey’s main pro-Kurdish party prepares to again meet with Öcalan for peace efforts (June 2025)
Turkey’s pro-Kurdish People’s Equality and Democracy Party (DEM Party) is preparing for a visit to İmralı Island to meet with Abdullah Öcalan, the imprisoned leader of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), as part of ongoing efforts for peace between Ankara and the Kurdish militants. DEM Party spokesperson Ayşegül Doğan announced that the visit would include members of the party’s leadership but did not specify the date. Öcalan, who has been imprisoned since 1999, has long been a central figure in the conflict between the Turkish state and the PKK, which has fought for Kurdish rights since the 1980s.

Large crowds rally in Istanbul over jailing of Erdogan’s main rival (March 2025)
Hundreds of thousands of Turks protested in Istanbul against the jailing of Mayor Ekrem Imamoglu, President Tayyip Erdogan’s main rival, sustaining the largest demonstrations Turkey has seen in more than a decade. A letter from Imamoglu was read out at the rally to cheers from the crowd. The main opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP), other opposition parties, rights groups and some Western powers have all said the case against Imamoglu is a politicised effort to eliminate a potential electoral threat to Erdogan.

IBAHRI’s concern for Istanbul lawyers’ body (January 2025)
The International Bar Association’s Human Rights Institute (IBAHRI) has expressed “deep concern” about a recent criminal investigation and lawsuit against the Istanbul Bar Association, its President İbrahim Kaboğlu, and the executive board. It has co-signed a statement calling on Turkish authorities to immediately cease legal proceedings against the Istanbul Bar Association. The statement from several legal and human-rights organisations also calls on Türkiye to respect its obligations under international law to ensure the independence of the profession and the right to freedom of expression.

İstanbul bans November 25 women’s rights demonstrations (November 2024)
Authorities in İstanbul have imposed restrictions on public transportation in Taksim ahead of planned November 25 demonstrations marking the International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Women. The İstanbul Governor’s Office banned all events in the Beyoğlu district, citing security concerns.

Enlargement reports 2024: Commission outlines progress and priorities for candidate countries (October 2024)
The Commission has adopted the 2024 enlargement reports, which offer a detailed assessment of the state of play and the progress made by countries seeking to join the European Union. The reports also provide guidance on key reform priorities for each country.

Instagram reopened in Turkey following 8-day ban (August 2024)
Access to Instagram was reopened in Turkey on August 10 following an eight-day ban that had begun on August 2. On the morning of August 2, Turkish authorities blocked access to the platform, citing failure to remove unlawful posts as justification for the ban. Although not explicitly stated, censoring of posts related to the recent assassination of Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh in Tehran was strongly implied as the impetus for the ban.

Turkey blocks Instagram amid ‘censorship’ row (August 2024)
Turkey has blocked access to Instagram, the national communications authority said, after a top government official slammed the social media platform for “censoring” Hamas-related content. The communications authority BTK announced the block on Friday, without giving an explanation for the decision or stating the duration of the ban. The move follows comments by the Turkish presidency’s communications director, Fahrettin Altun, criticizing the Meta-owned platform for what he called its decision to block condolence posts on the assassination of Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh.

Turkey approves ‘massacre law’ to remove millions of stray dogs (July 2024)
Turkish legislators have approved a law aimed at removing millions of stray dogs from the country’s streets that animal lovers fear will lead to many of the dogs being killed or ending up in neglected, overcrowded shelters. Some critics also say the law will be used to target the opposition, which made huge gains in the latest local elections. The legislation includes penalties for mayors who fail to carry out its provisions and the main opposition party has promised not to implement it.

Unlawful ban on May Day celebrations in Istanbul must be lifted (May 2024)
The Turkish authorities must urgently lift a ban on a planned May Day solidarity demonstration in Istanbul’s Taksim Square and allow people to gather in accordance with a recent ruling by Türkiye’s Constitutional Court, Amnesty International said. Trade unions, opposition parties and other civil society organizations have pledged to gather in Taksim Square despite a ban announced by the governor on April 23 and by the Minister of Interior on April 29.

Kurdish politicians convicted in unjust mass trial (May 2024)
A Turkish court’s conviction of 24 Kurdish politicians on bogus charges of crimes against the state follows a manifestly political and unjust trial, Human Rights Watch and the Turkey Human Rights Litigation Support Project said. The court sentenced the 24 politicians to prison terms ranging from 9 to 42 years, while acquitting 12 other politicians who had been on trial with them.

RSF decries draft amendment on “agents of influence” that threatens independent journalism (May 2024)
Reporters Without Borders (RSF) urges the Turkish government to abandon proposed amendment on “agents of influence” under which journalists working for internationally funded media could potentially be jailed. Such legislation would endanger independent journalism.

Turkey’s ‘Foreign Influence Agent Law’ alarms media and civil society (March 2024)
The planned “foreign influence agent law” of the Turkish government would be a major blow to rights and freedoms and take a toll on press and civil society. “Those who work on behalf of another state and create public opinion against Turkey will be put under the spotlight. Influence spying will be included in the Turkish Penal Code as a crime,” Yeni Safak wrote. This news alarmed rights groups and the opposition, since everyone critical of the government can fall under this definition.

Turkish parliament strips jailed opposition lawmaker of status (January 2024)
Turkey’s parliament stripped a jailed opposition lawmaker of his status following a judicial ruling, further complicating an unprecedented clash between two of the country’s top courts. Can Atalay, 47, was elected to parliament representing the Workers’ Party of Turkey (TIP) – an ally of the large pro-Kurdish DEM party – while serving an 18-year prison sentence. Atalay was sentenced in April 2022 after being convicted of trying to overthrow the government by allegedly organizing the nationwide Gezi Park protests in 2013 with Turkish philanthropist Osman Kavala, also now jailed, and six others. The chair of Atalay’s party, Erkan Bas, branded the Court of Cassation move as “unconstitutional” and said parliament had also violated the constitution by stripping the jailed lawmaker of his status.

Türkiye elections marked by unlevel playing field yet still competitive (May 2023)
Characterized by a high turnout, Türkiye’s general elections were well-managed and offered voters a choice between genuine political alternatives, but the current president and the ruling parties enjoyed an unjustified advantage. Continued restrictions on fundamental freedoms of assembly, association and expression hindered the participation of some opposition politicians and parties, as well as civil society and independent media, international observers said in a statement.

Thousands dead, millions displaced: earthquake fallout in Turkey and Syria (February 2023)
Turkey’s death toll has climbed above 41,000, the country’s disaster authority has said. In Syria, already devastated by years of war, authorities have said more than 5,800 people died. According to Hans Kluge, the World Health Organization’s Europe director, relief workers were facing “the worst natural disaster in the region for a century”, adding that 26 million people need assistance across both countries.”

‘Disinformation’ tactics silence journalism (October 2022)
According to the BİA Media Monitoring Report of the July-August 2022 period, 126 media representatives faced trials. In the previous three months, at least five media representatives, including three women and one LGBTI+, were detained. The most important agenda of the three months was the “Disinformation Law.”

Turkey detains medical group head on ‘terrorist propaganda’ charge (October 2022)
Turkish police detained the head of the Turkish Medical Association (TTB), Sebnem Korur Fincanci, for allegedly “spreading terrorist group propaganda.” The state-owned Anadolu news agency said an investigation was launched over statements Fincanci made to Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) militant group-linked media last week on alleged chemical weapons use by the Turkish armed forces. The TTB described her arrest as a “political lynching” and said it was the final stage of pressure exerted by authorities on the medical group and its leaders. It demanded that she be released immediately after her statement is taken.

Turkey: Court upholds exit from treaty on violence against women (July 2022)
Turkey’s top administrative court on Tuesday ruled that President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s move to pull Ankara out of a European treaty protecting women was lawful.

Turkey’s top appeals court upholds jail term for prominent opposition figure (May 2022)
Canan Kaftancioglu, the head of the CHP’s Istanbul branch, was sentenced to nearly five years in prison and was barred from politics for insulting President Erdogan and the Turkish government.

Top appeals court upholds jail term for prominent opposition figure (May 2022)
Canan Kaftancioglu, head of the CHP’s Istanbul branch, was sentenced to nearly five years in prison and was barred from politics for insulting President Erdogan and the Turkish government.

Philanthropist sentenced to life in Turkey in ‘travesty’ trial over Gezi Park protests (April 2022)
A Turkish court has sentenced a leading philanthropist to life imprisonment after finding him guilty of “attempting to overthrow the government by force” in connection with the Gezi Park anti-government protests in 2013. The court also handed out 18-year sentences to seven activists accused of assisting Kavala.

Council of Europe Congress highlights “generally degrading situation” of local democracy in Turkey (March 2022)
The 46-nation Council of Europe’s Congress of Local and Regional Authorities has reported a “generally degrading situation” with regard to local democracy in Turkey.

Osman Kavala case: Council of Europe launches proceedings against Turkey (February 2022)
The Council of Europe’s Committee of Ministers has taken a further step to launching sanctions against Turkey for not releasing philanthropist Osman Kavala. It has asked the ECHR to reexamine the case.

Erdogan tightens grip on media with circular on family values (January 2022)
A midnight circular from President Recep Tayyip Erdogan calls on media outlets and regulatory groups to take decisive steps to protect youth and children from Western-inspired programs and certain symbols.

Boğaziçi University students protesting: 14 detained (October 2021)
After two students of Boğaziçi University were arrested over their protests against appointed rector Naci İnci, several students gathered to protest. The police intervened before the students entered the university, detaining at least 14 students.

Turkish government increases pressure on social media (September 2021)
In the almost 20 years that Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has been in power, he has succeeded in bringing newspapers and television stations largely under his government’s control. In reaction, opposition politicians, activists and critics have used Twitter, Facebook, YouTube and other such platforms to draw attention to problems. But Erdogan and his government are now tightening their grip on the internet.

Istanbul police attack peace rally, detain several (September 2021)
Turkish police attacked several people who wanted to attend a rally organized by the Istanbul Labor Peace and Democracy Forces to mark World Peace Day. The police encircled the journalists and HDP MP Musa Piroğlu with their shields and did not let them leave the Tünel Square.

Turkey to further ease coronavirus restrictions from July (June 2021)
Turkey further relaxed restrictions imposed to curb the spread of COVID-19 from July 1 on. Lockdowns that had been imposed on Sundays and curfews from 19.00 GMT on weekdays would be lifted from July 1, Erdogan said after a government cabinet meeting. “Public transportation restrictions will also be lifted and public institutions will return to normal working hours,” Erdogan said.

Committee of Ministers of CoE gives warning to Turkey (June 2021)
The Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe gave a warning to Turkey at its meeting on June 7-9 that it will initiate the procedure for the violation of the European Convention on Human Rights against Turkey, since the the government did not implement the decision of European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) regarding the violation of Osman Kavala.

Büyükada trial: Constitutional Court rules that rights advocate Eser’s arrest was unlawful (June 2021)
The Constitutional court has ruled that the arrest of İdil Eser, the former director of Amnesty Turkey, during the Büyükada trial caused a rights violation. The court has concluded that the state violated personal liberty and security, which is guaranteed by Article 19 of the Constitution, because Eser’s arrest was not lawful, and ordered it to pay 40,000 lira (4,663 USD) for immaterial damages. The court gave the judgment unanimously.

Exiled Turkish journalist attacked in Germany (July 2021)
A Turkish journalist who is critical of President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s government and has been living in exile in Germany said he was attacked and injured outside his home in suburban Berlin by three men who reportedly warned him to stop writing. Erk Acarer, a columnist for Turkey’s independent Birgun newspaper, said in a video posted on Twitter that the attack occurred late Wednesday in the courtyard of his home. The 48-year-old sustained some swelling on his head and was kept at a hospital for several hours for observation.

İstanbul Pride March: Several people detained (June 2021)
The Sub-Governor’s Office of Beyoğlu has banned the LGBTI+ Pride March to be held in Taksim. The police attacked the group that gathered in Taksim. Using plastic bullets, they took at least 20 people into custody.

Erdoğan reveals stricter COVID-19 measures during Ramadan (April 2021)
President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan revealed a series of measures for the Muslim holy month of Ramadan, saying that the country would be switching to partial lockdown in the first two weeks of Ramadan to decrease the coronavirus caseload.

Diyarbakır police detain dozens of women in early morning raid (April 2021)
Police detained dozens of women in early morning raids in the southeastern province of Diyarbakır on April 5, including a reporter from Kurdish online news outlet Jinnews, representatives of political parties and the Rosa Women’s Association.

Hrant Dink murder: people sentenced to life in prison (March 2021)
After 14 years of drawn-out legal proceedings, a Turkish court has sentenced several people to prison for their role in the murder of journalist Hrant Dink.

Boğaziçi protests: police detain 12 students for carrying rainbow flags (March 2021)
A Boğaziçi student is under a disciplinary investigation for displaying a rainbow flag during protests. Today, students held a protest against this investigation and 12 of them, including the student in question, were detained for carrying rainbow flags.

Turkey sentences journalist to 27 years in jail (December 2020)
Turkish journalist Can Dundar has been sentenced to more than 27 years in prison for allegedly supporting terrorism and “military or political espionage.” Currently in exile in Germany, the former editor-in-chief of the Turkish opposition newspaper Cumhuriyet was tried in absentia.

Constitutional Court forwards Kavala’s application to General Assembly (December 2020)
Ahead of his first hearing on December 18, the First Section of the Constitutional Court has reviewed the individual application of arrested businessperson and rights defender Kavala and ruled that it shall be forwarded to the General Assembly.

Torture in Turkish prisons under scrutiny again following inmate’s death (October 2020)
The death of Serkan Tumay in a prison raised concerns on the prison conditions in Turkey once again. While Tumay’s family says that he was tortured by prison guards repeatedly and died as a result in Kırıkkale F-Type Prison, opposition deputies Ömer Faruk Gergerlioğlu and Gülizar Biçer Karaca asked Justice Minister Abdülhamit Gül to explain how he died.

New Turkish indictment prolongs ‘torture’ for philanthropist Kavala (October 2020)
Ayse Bugra, the wife of jailed Turkish civil society leader Osman Kavala, said a new indictment accusing him of involvement in a failed military coup has shaken her belief that he can receive a fair trial and his years-long incarceration has been “torture” for their family. Kavala, who worked on cultural heritage projects and efforts to reconcile Turks with Kurds and Armenians, has spent almost three years in prison without a conviction.

PACE Rapporteurs Call for Release of Kavala (June 2020)
Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe’s (PACE) rapporteurs have called for the immediate release of Osman Kavala following a judgment by the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) on May 12, 2020. Kavala, a businessperson and a rights defender, has been behind bars since October 18, 2017.

Six HDP co-mayors removed from duty (May 2020)
Six co-mayors from the pro-Kurdish People’s Democratic Party (HDP) were removed from their posts by the Interior Ministry. While all six were replaced by trustees of the Interior Ministry, three of the southeastern co-mayors were later detained. Meanwhile, the mayor of an eastern province was detained on charges related to an ongoing investigation.

Turkey Amends Criminal Procedure And Execution Provisions (May 2020)
The Law Amending the Law on the Execution of Sentences and Security Measures and Certain Laws No. 7242, which was published on the Official Gazette on April 15, 2020, amends a total of 11 laws, including the Law on the Execution of Sentences and Security Measures, the Turkish Criminal Law No. 5237 and the Criminal Procedure Law No. 5271. As per the Law, which was issued in scope of the various governmental measures to prevent the spread of COVID-19 in Turkey, prisoners are granted leaves of absence until May 20, 2020.

Coronavirus stokes tensions between Erdogan and mayor (April 2020)
The coronavirus pandemic has rekindled rivalry in Turkey between President Tayyip Erdogan and Istanbul’s opposition mayor, with disputes over fundraising and a potential lockdown possibly endangering a coordinated effort to combat the outbreak. The central government in Ankara has said a money-raising campaign launched by the mayor of Istanbul, Ekrem Imamoglu, is illegal and it has threatened to prosecute those involved.

Turkish activist re-arrested hours after his Gezi Park acquittal (April 2020)
Turkish businessman and philanthropist Osman Kavala was re-arrested, just hours after a court acquitted him and eight other defendants over the 2013 protests in Istanbul’s Gezi Park. The high-profile trial was closely watched by rights groups, who had accused the Turkish government of using the judicial system to crack down on dissenting voices. Kavala’s re-arrest was criticized by activists. Kavala had spent more than two years in pre-trial detention over the Gezi Park protests, which began over a plan to turn a small park in central Istanbul into a shopping mall.

Turkish Law on Social Media Delayed by Pandemic (April 2020)
The draft law on social media was dropped from the parliamentary schedule to make way for more urgent bills on the economy and health amid the COVID-19 pandemic. But civil society groups and opposition parties fear it will be back before long. The draft law obliges foreign social media companies with high internet traffic to appoint an official representative in Turkey to answer authorities’ demands concerning the content on their platforms.

News Archive

Yiğit Aksakoğlu to be Released on Probation, Arrest of Osman Kavala to Continue (June 2019)

Civil Society Organizations from Germany: ‘Kavala and Aksakoğlu Should be Released’ (June 2019)

CHP members say ruling party fears losing billions in grants to charities tied to government (May 2019)

Turkish police use tear gas to break up Women’s Day march (March 2019)

Minister Kasapoğlu launched 2019 Year of Volunteering (March 2019)

Turkish police use tear gas to break up Women’s Day march (March 2019)

Minister Kasapoğlu launched 2019 Year of Volunteering (March 2019)

Turkey academic jailed after raids on professors and activists (November 2018)

Ministry of Interior to collect information of association members (October 2018)

Turkey issues first decree for new executive presidential system (July 2018)

The Start of a New Era in Turkey: Presidential System of Government (July 2018)

Understanding The “Turkish Model” Of Presidential System (July 2018)

Turkey ends state of emergency after two years (July 2018)

Turkey election: Erdogan win ushers in new presidential era (July 2018)

Turkey ends state of emergency, but eyes tough terror bill (July 2018)

Turkey’s Erdogan says state of emergency may be lifted after June 24 elections (June 2018)

Ministry of Interior: 624 Social Media Accounts Investigated in One Week (June 2018)

Q & A: Turkey’s Elections (June 2018)

Turkey’s Data Protection Board Announces Exemptions from Registering with the Data Controller Registry (May 2018)

The Commission of Inquiry for State of Emergency Practices (May 2018)

Turkish government to extend state emergency for seventh time (April 2018)

Ban on access to website violates freedom of expression: Constitutional Court (December 2017)

Turkey worst in world for jailed journalists for second year (December 2017)

Court arrests Turkish activist Osman Kavala over failed coup attempt (November 2017)

Turkish LGBTI activists condemn ‘illegal’ ban on events in Ankara (November 2017)

EU cuts Turkey funding after ‘democratic deterioration (November 2017)

‘Massive anxiety’ as Turkey cracks down on international NGOs (October 2017)

Arrest of rights activists ‘chills’ Turkey’s civil society (July 2017)

Turkey arrests two opposition journalists over alleged coup links (May 2017)

Turkey Blocks Wikipedia (May 2017)

As Turkey’s Democracy Takes a Hit, Civil Society Must Take Center Stage (April 2017)

State of emergency review body paves way for justice (January 2017)

Turkish PM cools down demands to reinstate death penalty (August 2016)

Turkey arrests novelist Aslı Erdoğan over ‘terror’ charges (August 2016)

Tayyip Erdogan hints at return of death penalty in Turkey (August 2016)

Turkey shuts down telecommunication body amid post-coup attempt measures (August 2016)

Europe and US urge Turkey to respect rule of law after failed coup (July 2016)

Turkey issues arrest warrants for 42 journalists after failed coup (July 2016)

In latest escalation, 102 media outlets closed by decree (July 2016)

Turkey’s Erdogan shuts schools, charities in first state of emergency decree (July 2016)

Turkey dismisses military, shuts media outlets in crackdown (July 2016)

President Erdogan texts 68 million people in fresh call for protests (July 2016)

Turkey coup attempt: State of emergency announced (July 2016)

Turkey to temporarily suspend European Convention on Human Rights after coup attempt (July 2016)

Turkey: Istanbul gay pride march banned over ‘security’ concern (June 2016)

Turkey jails Cumhuriyet journalists Can Dundar and Erdem Gul (May 2016)

Turkish LGBT group releases annual monitoring report on hate crimes (May 2016)

Erdoğan’s latest target is CSOs (April 2016) (Turkish)

How Turkey uses terrorism to justify its crackdown on the press (March 2016)

Turkey Seizes Newspaper, Zaman, as Press Crackdown Continuing (March 2016)

Ruling AKP creating its own NGOs (March 2016)

Two journalists arrested for story on trucks bound for Syria (November 2015)

Pro-Kurdish lawyer Tahir Elci shot dead in Turkey (November 2015)

Turkey Dominates Global Twitter Censorship (October 2015)

Political parties suspend election rallies over Ankara bombing (October 2015)

Journalists, legal experts decry Turkey’s media blackout (October 2015)

Water cannon used to disperse Istanbul gay pride parade (June 2015)

Turkey Lifts Ban on Access to Twitter, Facebook and YouTube (March 2015)

Turkey Passes Tough New Security Law (March 2015)

Security Bill Undermines Rights (October 2014)

Turkish Parliament to Consider New Protest Laws (October 2014)

Withdrawal of the Bill on the Right to Collect Aid by the Cabinet (September 2014) (Turkish)

Circular Issued after the Mining Incident (July 2014) (Turkish)

Action Plan of Right to Peaceful Freedom of Assembly (June 2014)

Turkish Parliament Approves Internet Crackdown (February 2014)

Listen to, Don’t Attack Protestors (June 2013)

Turkey spared from FATF Blacklist (February 2013)

Article on Turkey’s Expanding Role in Development Aid (February 2013)

Reconsider appointment to key rights body (December 2012)

Police fire tear gas at Republic Day protesters (October 2012)

Journalists targeted by smear campaign (September 2012)

Confirmed pre-trial detention of defender Osman Isci and 27 trade union members: Joint press release (July 2012)

NGO report slams Turkish government (May 2012)

European Union critical of human rights in Turkey (October 2011)

Activists prosecuted for criticising the judges (February 2011)

Human Rights Watch slams journalists’ arrests in Turkey (March 2010)

FIDH supports joint declaration of its member organizations in Turkey and Armenia (April 2010)

Turkey: Summary of Amnesty International’s Concerns in Turkey, July to December 2009 (March 2010)