Source: The World Factbook. Washington, DC: Central Intelligence Agency.

International and Regional Human Rights Agreements

* Category includes ratification, accession, or succession to the treaty

Constitutional Framework

Despite its armed conflict, Colombia maintains a strong array of rule-of-law institutions. The 1991 constitution includes a comprehensive bill of rights, provisions securing the independence of the judiciary, and other checks and balances on executive power. Since 1991 the Constitutional Court has developed a progressive jurisprudence that affirms the rights of victims of human rights violations and protects individual liberties.

The 1991 Colombian Constitution also recognizes the role of CSOs and establishes that the state has the obligation to support them and to recognize them as legitimate actors in the policy process. Changes currently affecting CSOs in Colombia include their increasingly close links with the state, and difficulties arising from a relative lack of funds from sources promoting international co-operation.

The 1991 Constitution establishes freedom of association in general.

Article 38 guarantees the exercise of the freedom of association, providing that “The right of free association for the promotion of various activities that individuals pursue in society is guaranteed”. In addition, article 95 provides that “The following are duties of the individual and the citizen: … to defend and publicize human rights as a basis of peaceful coexistence…”

Article 20 of the Constitution provides that “Every individual is guaranteed the freedom to express and disseminate his/her thoughts and opinions, to transmit and receive information that is true and impartial, and to establish mass communications media”. In addition, according to article 37, “Any group of individuals may gather and demonstrate publicly and peacefully. The law alone may establish in a specific manner those cases in which the exercise of this right may be limited.”

Article 39 establishes that workers and employers have the right to form trade unions or associations without interference by the state. Their legal status will be recognized by the simple registration of their constituent act. The cancellation or suspension of legal status may only occur through legal means.

Moreover, the Constitution provides that the State “will contribute to the organization, promotion, and guidance of professional, civic, trade union, community, youth and charitable or nongovernmental public-purpose associations, without prejudicing their authority so that they may constitute democratic means of representation in the various functions of participation, agreement, control, and supervision of the public activities that they undertake.”

National Laws and Regulations Affecting Sector

Natural and legal persons are guaranteed the right to associate for profit-making and nonprofit-making purposes. The Civil Code regulates the establishment of companies, associations and societies for profit-making and nonprofit-making purposes. Nonprofit, charitable or welfare associations or societies may be established by private acts. Such associations include trade unions and second– and third-level trade union associations whose legal capacity is automatically recognized when they are formed, but which must be registered with the labor authorities upon establishment.

Law 863 of 2003 (Article 8) establishes income tax exemptions for not-for-profit corporations, foundations and associations with legal standing, with respect to income from all activities and assets employed toward their aims and purposes. CSO must maintain separate books and accounts with respect to any business they carry out and such books need to be registered at the local chamber of commerce.

The Transparency and Access to Public Information Law of March 2014 requires all government agencies and employees to answer requests for information. It also establishes a minimum of information content that the government must publish and requires government entities to provide proof and arguments justifying cases where information is withheld.

The right of assembly and the right to demonstrate are protected by Article 37 in the chapter of the Constitution on fundamental rights. Statutory Act No. 137 on States of Emergency of 1994 sets no particular restrictions on this right. Decree No. 1355 of 1970, which introduced the then National Police Code, contained the regulatory framework relating to the right of assembly.

The National Police Code and Coexistence (Law 1801), which was approved by Congress in 2016, updated the 1970 Police Code provisions regulating public demonstrations and protests. The new Code requires individuals to provide advance notification to authorities at least 48 hours before a protest. At least three people need to sign a petition to demonstrate at public roads or grounds.

In a 2017 ruling, the Colombian Constitutional Court found that the Code’s chapter that regulates public demonstrations had violated the Constitution insofar as it had not been supported by a Statutory Law, which, according to the Constitution, is required when regulating individual rights. To avoid a regulatory vacuum, the Constitutional Court deferred the application of its judgment to June 20, 2019 and urged Congress to pass a Statutory Law on the matter. However, as of April 2025, Congress had not started the discussion on a draft bill of the Statutory Law.

There has been a debate among legal experts as to what are the rules governing protests after June 20, 2019. To some experts, the previous 1970 Police Code should regain authority, which in the view of activists would be highly problematic since the that Police Code placed unconstitutional restrictions on the freedom of peaceful assembly. Other legal experts consider that in the absence of a statute, authorities should apply the rules set by the jurisprudence of the Constitutional Court. In any case, the lack of regulation allows authorities an unconstitutionally wide leeway to decide on the legality of demonstrations in the public space. Furthermore, when protesters block a road or street without notification, they may be subject to criminal conviction, fines, and terms of imprisonment pursuant to Colombia’s Criminal Code.

The passage of Law 2197 of 2022, which criminalized social protest and legitimized various forms of vigilantism, sparked significant legal controversy. Much of the law was challenged legally, leading the Constitutional Court to strike down several provisions, while others were upheld but with interpretative limits to prevent police abuse. Since then, the Government has implemented executive orders to protect assembly rights, beginning with Directive No. 07 of 2023, which combats the stigmatization of human rights defenders and emphasizes their protection from threats and violence. It encourages public policies to ensure their safety.

Decree 1231 of 2024 further regulates the National Police’s use of force, promoting actions grounded in human rights and legality. It mandates responsible, proportional police conduct and stresses communication before force is used, prohibiting excessive behavior. Clear guidelines differentiate the use of force based on the situation and establish supervisory responsibilities.

Furthermore, Attorney General’s Directive 001 of 2024 provides guidelines for peaceful protest management, underscoring its constitutional right and setting investigative and prosecutorial limits. It ensures police conduct respects human rights, offering special protections for vulnerable groups and aligning legal procedures with international standards to maintain both protest rights and public order.

Lastly, on September 9, 2024, President Petro signed a Presidential Directive on the duties of public officials in the exercise of freedom of expression and respect for freedom of the press. The directive establishes guidelines to optimize the implementation of Colombia’s international obligations regarding freedom of expression, particularly with regard to the interaction between the executive branch and journalism, in line with the standards of the Inter-American human rights system on the matter.

As per the Directive, officials must avoid stigmatizing or discriminating against journalists and other relevant actors, promote a tolerant public discourse free of hate speech, and guarantee access to accurate information.  They are expected to foster open communication channels, avoid censorship, and verify information before making public statements.

The Directive also outlines specific preventative measures against stigmatization, including respectful communication, correcting misinformation fairly, and ensuring equitable treatment of journalists. The Secretariat for Communications and Press is tasked with overseeing compliance, implementing training programs, and maintaining open dialogue with media representatives to promote a democratic environment of open and responsible communication.

Pending NGO Legislative / Regulatory Initiatives

Organizational Forms

Since 2000, Colombian authorities have implemented numerous laws and regulations that address civil society organizations. Unfortunately these rules have complicated the legal framework. For example, these laws and regulations frequently refer to nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), without providing a legal definition for NGOs. As a result, the laws regarding nonprofit entities are vague and often contradictory.

Regardless of the variety of types of non-profit legal entities existing in the Colombian legal system, private law only recognizes two forms, the nonprofit corporation/association [1] and public charitable foundations.

In Colombia, the registration of a CSO follows a two-step procedure. According to law, the chambers of commerce manage public registries (commercial, government suppliers and nonprofit organizations). These registries are only a means of publicity. An application for the set up of a CSO should be submitted together with: (a) memorandum of association and rules and regulations; (b) minutes of the Executive Board or General Assembly that endorses the setting up of the CSO; (c) a detailed mission statement, including program and project information; (d) a legal address and a list of the names, addresses and occupations of the founders; (e) a statement showing in detail the assets of the organization; (f) an affidavit sworn by the president or secretary of the CSO; and (g) a declaration by the members of the managing committee that the funds of the society will be used only for the purpose of furthering the aims and objects of the society.  Then, the application for registration needs to be submitted either at the state level (Gobernaciones) or at the district level (alcaldías) in which the CSO is sought to be registered.

In Law 22 of 1987, the legislature authorized the 32 governors of the country and its equivalent, the Mayor of Bogota Capital District to inspect and supervise CSOs. CSOs must submit to the authorities a general balance sheet upon conclusion of the fiscal year and activity reports on a yearly basis.

Cancellation of the legal status of organizations is governed by Presidential Decree 1529 of 1990. The causes for cancellation are established in Article 7. A request for cancellation of legal status of a certain CSO may be submitted by anyone on the grounds of illegal activities, violations of public order, or when its activities do not correspond to the purposes for which it was formed. The corresponding Governor or Mayor Office is requested to open a file to investigate the allegations, make an on-site visit to the concerned CSO, and make a decision within 10 working days.

[1]  The term “association” is not a legal person provided by the Civil Code but refers to the constitutional freedom that people use to form a corporation.

Public Benefit Status

Colombia does not grant public benefit status to a special category of nonprofit organizations. However, foundations are assumed to operate for the “public benefit.”  The Constitution recognizes foundations as being “institutions of public use,” with the intention of “public benefit.”

Under Colombian tax laws, CSOs engaged in health activities, sports, formal education, cultural, scientific or technological, ecological, environmental protection or social development programs, qualify for special tax benefits that include a lower tax rate than commercial companies or, in some cases, full exemption from paying income taxes.

Barriers to Entry

Overall, the requirements to be met in order to set up and operate a CSO in Colombia are straightforward.  In fact, some believe that it is too simple, and the lax process could lead to abuse.

Although the Constitution allows civil society organizations to form for many purposes, there are, in practice, limitations when these purposes conflict with the government’s actions or ideology.  For example, some CSOs, particularly human rights groups that are critical of the government, have greater difficulty obtaining or retaining legal status.

Barriers to Operational Activity

Although there are no express legal barriers to operational activities, the subjective application of regulations by government institutions often produces a disparity between the original intent of the laws and their present enforcement.

Human rights organizations also operate within a climate of harassment, as detailed in the following section.

Barriers to Speech / Advocacy

Colombia is one of the most dangerous countries in the world in which to be a human rights defender, with dozens of labor rights activists, lawyers, indigenous activists and community and religious leaders being murdered every year.

In recent years, human rights CSOs and their members have been frequent victims of reprisals and undue restrictions as a result of their work in promoting and protecting the victims of the armed conflict. On several occasions, the Inter-American Commission of Human Rights has voiced its concern about threats against human rights defenders and members of CSOs.

Other forms of violations include: illegal surveillance, smear campaigns and criminal prosecutions, and violations of the home and other arbitrary or abusive entry to the offices of human rights organizations, and interference in correspondence and phone and electronic communication.

Statements by government officials have contributed to a climate of increased danger for human rights defenders in Colombia. International monitoring bodies have also expressed concern about such statements that seem to endorse acts of violence against human rights defenders and their organizations.

Barriers to International Contact

There are no legal barriers to communication and contact internationally. That said, there may be cultural limitation on CSOs interacting with international actors in that it could be considered an act of disloyalty when criticizing the government in the international arena.

Barriers to Resources

CSOs are permitted to receive foreign funding via grants or donations. In addition, CSOs are permitted to acquire and dispose of property, contract personnel, invest resources, and import and export goods. To prevent money laundering, Colombian banks require a document officially translated into Spanish that describes the origin of support when the funds are converted to pesos.

Barriers to Assembly

Between 2019 and 2022, Colombia experienced a significant surge in social protests, with 12,478 demonstrations occurring across 862 municipalities from April 28 to June 4, 2021. Although most were peaceful, the government treated the unrest primarily as a law enforcement issue, which led to confrontations between police and demonstrators in major cities. This resulted in at least 50 fatalities, numerous reported missing persons, and hundreds of injuries, including severe eye injuries from “less-lethal” weapons. Over 3,000 people were also detained. Additionally, the government implemented regulations that contravened international standards, allowing military intervention in protests. In response to this crisis, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) conducted an emergency visit to the country and issued a report condemning the human rights violations, urging the state to pursue structural reforms to its militarized police force.

Some courts attempted to limit social mobilization by using the COVID-19 pandemic as an excuse. For example, on May 1, 2021, the Administrative Court of Cundinamarca issued a ruling restricting demonstrations, stating that protests would be suspended until a biosecurity protocol was implemented or herd immunity was achieved through vaccination. However, this decision (Spanish) faced criticism from civil society and academia for contradicting international and constitutional standards on the right to assembly. The ruling was ultimately appealed to the Council of State, which overturned it in June 2021, stating that the Court had exceeded its jurisdiction and that restrictions on assembly and peaceful protest can only be established by Congress.

Less than a year after the court ruling, on January 25, 2022, President Duque signed the Citizen Security Bill, known as Law 2197 of 2022, following two months of mass demonstrations that were marred by excessive police force and gunfire from armed civilians targeting protesters. The Bill faced strong opposition from civil society organizations (CSOs), which argued that several provisions would criminalize social protest, hinder human rights defenses (articles 4, 13, 16, 20, and 40), legitimize vigilante justice, enable urban paramilitarism, and authorize the shooting of civilians (articles 25, 28, 30, and 31).

Civil society and human rights defenders condemned the Law for imposing unlawful restrictions on rights such as freedom of assembly and association, violating international human rights standards. The Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) echoed these concerns, highlighting that the Public Security Law’s increased penalties for demonstrator conduct could lead to the criminalization of protests and grant police greater discretion for arrests, raising the risk of arbitrary deprivation of liberty.

Much of the law faced legal challenges, resulting in the Constitutional Court striking down several provisions while upholding others with interpretative limits to prevent police abuse. Notably, challenges to Article 20, which criminalizes “obstruction of public functions” with three to five years of imprisonment for impeding these functions, were rejected, leaving the provision in force.

Additional details on restrictions on assembly in Colombia are provided below.

Vague Provisions. In 2011, Colombia’s Congress approved reforms to the Criminal Code, the Code of Criminal Procedure, and the Juvenile Criminal Code. Article 353(A) of the Criminal Code uses vague language to address the obstruction of public ways during protests: “Any person who, by illicit means, obstructs, temporarily or permanently, selectively or generally, the public ways or any other transportation infrastructure in such a way that affects the public order or mobility, will be sentenced to prison for four to eight years and mandated to pay a fine of between 13 and 75 times the current monthly minimum wage.” The vagueness of this provision could lead to the prosecution of the lawful exercise of the right to the freedom of assembly provided by the Constitution.

Advance Notification. The National Police Code (Decree No. 1355 of 1970) stipulates in Article 102:

Any person may meet with others or parade in a public place for the purpose of expressing common interests and ideas of a political, economic, religious or social nature or for any other lawful purpose. For these purposes, notice shall be given in person and in writing to the local administrative authorities. The communication shall be signed by at least three persons. The notice shall specify the date, time and place of the proposed meeting and be submitted 48 hours in advance. In the case of parades, the planned route shall be specified.

Accordingly, spontaneous demonstrations would not be lawful, since 48 hours notice must be provided. Article 188 of Decree 522 of 1971 provides that within the 24 hours of the receipt of the notification of an assembly, the public authority may, based on public order considerations and through a reasoned decision, modify the planned route for the parade, its date, place or time. However, if there is no response by the authority within 24 hours, it is understood that the assembly may take place.

Enforcement and Excessive Force: Civilian authorities generally do not interfere with public meetings and demonstrations. However, the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) has expressed significant concern about the actions of anti-riot police, citing serious deficiencies in their rules of engagement and operational tactics. Issues such as poor command and control, tactical indiscipline, and failure to meet international standards for the use of firearms have led to human rights violations, particularly as social mobilization and street protests increased since late 2019.

During the late 2019 protests, the OHCHR documented the arbitrary killing of an 18-year-old student by a police agent using a 12-gauge rifle loaded with a beanbag round, as well as injuries sustained by protesters from police beatings and projectiles. Reports also indicated that some police officers engaged in acts of ill-treatment and torture against protesters, including forced nudity, death threats with racist undertones, and repeated beatings. Most detentions during the protests were made under an administrative provision called “transfer for protective purposes,” which grants extensive discretionary powers to the police and limits rights to liberty. The Colombian Supreme Court confirmed these violations, expressing concern over the systematic and arbitrary intervention by police during protests in a September 2020 judgment.

In response to the Supreme Court ruling, the National Government issued Decree 003 of 2021 on January 5, 2021, outlining the use of force protocol for the national police during protests. Civil society organizations (CSOs) acknowledged some positive measures in the Decree but criticized it for not addressing all issues raised in the roundtable ordered by the Court.

Shortly after the Decree’s implementation, Colombia witnessed intense street protests, during which the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) and other organizations reported numerous instances of police noncompliance with the established protocol. Evidence of excessive force used by police emerged widely in videos. Amid the protests, the government issued Decree 575 of 2021, which directed governors and mayors to coordinate “military assistance” to confront public disturbances. The IACHR noted that this Decree could disproportionately restrict freedom of expression and assembly, urging the government to repeal or amend it. On July 23, 2021, a chamber of the Council of State provisionally suspended Decree 575, stating it threatened the right to social protest.

The current government of President Gustavo Petro has taken some steps to reverse some of these problematic norms and practices. Decree 1231 of 2024, which replaces Decree 003 of 2021, better regulates the National Police’s use of force, emphasizing human rights and legality. It mandates responsible, proportional police conduct, stresses the use of communication before employing force, and prohibits excessive actions. The Decree establishes clear guidelines for the use of force based on specific situations and outlines supervisory responsibilities. Additionally, Attorney General’s Directive 001 of 2024 provides guidelines for managing peaceful protests, reinforcing constitutional rights and setting boundaries for investigations and prosecutions. It ensures police conduct upholds human rights, offers special protections for vulnerable groups, and aligns procedures with international standards while maintaining protest rights and public order.

While we aim to maintain information that is as current as possible, we realize that situations can rapidly change.  If you are aware of any additional information or inaccuracies on this page, please keep us informed; write to ICNL at ngomonitor@icnl.org.

General News

Large protests in Colombia in support of President Petro’s labour reforms (June 2025)
Protests have been held in Colombia as supporters of left-wing President Gustavo Petro express their support for his proposed labour reform, with the country rattled by an eruption of violence amid fears of a return to darker days of assassinations and bombings. Petro signed a decree to hold a public referendum vote on the labour reform.

Thousands march across Colombia in anti-government protests (June 2023)
Thousands of demonstrators marched through Colombia’s major cities to protest the government of leftist President Gustavo Petro. At least 90,000 people throughout the country took part in “The March of the Majority” in Bogota, Medellin, Cali, Pereira and Bucaramanga to protest against a raft of proposals to reform healthcare, pensions and the labor system. Protesters dressed in white also chanted against Petro’s attempts to give criminals immunity in exchange for laying down their arms. Since taking office in August last year, Petro has been seeking a “total peace” policy to end a 60-year armed conflict between the state and various illegal groups that are still active in the country.

Citizen Security Law receives new legal challenge (December 2022) (Spanish)
In December 2022, the Constitutional Court admitted a new lawsuit against the Citizen Security Law. This lawsuit involves an article of the Law that states that whoever occupies, usurps, or invades private or public property in the middle of a demonstration may incur a prison term of four to ten years. For the plaintiff, the Law criminalizes in an “unreasonable and disproportionate” manner the fundamental rights of freedom of expression and public and peaceful assembly and demonstration since, most of the time, these types of protests occupy public property such as streets, parks, or public squares. It is the third lawsuit filed before the Constitutional Court regarding this Law.

UN calls on Colombian government to protect rights defenders who challenge corporate activity (August 2022)
Activists who raise concerns about business projects in Colombia are under serious threat for speaking out, and UN human rights experts are urging the government to do much more to protect them. “Serious threats, including death threats, are commonplace in Colombia for defenders who raise concerns about corporate activity, in particular in land-intensive industries,” said Mary Lawlor, UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders.

Colombia Truth Commission presents final report on internal armed conflict (June 2022)
The Colombia Truth Commission was set up as part of a 2016 peace deal between the government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). It was tasked with documenting abuses and explaining what caused the conflict to persist for so long. The Commission’s final report claims that at least 450,664 people were killed over nearly six decades of fighting and also criticizes entrenched impunity in Colombia.

Mounting Security Challenges Await Colombia’s Next President (June 2022)
In the first round of Colombia’s presidential elections, long-standing opposition leader Gustavo Petro and newly emerged outsider Rodolfo Hernández both handily defeated the conservative establishment candidate Federico Gutiérrez. The latter’s third-place finish signals Colombians’ resounding rejection of the country’s status quo and a rebuke of the political establishment and predominant elites.

Colombia bars social leaders from speaking before UN security council (May 2022)
The Security Council will meet in New York for its quarterly session on the implementation of a 2016 peace deal with now-defunct guerrilla group FARC. These sessions have always been attended by Colombia’s foreign minister to represent the State and a social leader to represent civil society. This time only Duque will address the UN ambassadors. The decision is controversial because of the Duque’s alleged non-compliance with the peace deal and a resurgence of violence in Colombia.

Colombia Responsible for Rape and Torture of Journalist Jineth Bedoya, Court Rules (October 2021)
The Inter-American Court of Human Rights on Monday ruled that the state of Colombia bears responsibility for the ordeal of a female journalist who was kidnapped, raped and then tortured in 2000 by paramilitaries. Jineth Bedoya was working for the El Espectador newspaper at the time, investigating a weapons smuggling ring, when she was abducted and assaulted by far-right militia members.

IACHR Completes Working Visit to Colombia and Issues Observations and Recommendations (June 2021)
From June 8-10, 2021, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) conducted a working visit to Colombia to verify the human rights situation in the country following multiple allegations of police brutality in the context of street protests carried out since April 28, 2021. Following its visit, the IACHR published a report highlighting concerns related to the right to protest, the protection of journalists, freedom of expression, and internet access.

Egregious Police Abuses Against Protesters (June 2021)
“Members of the Colombian National Police have committed egregious abuses against mostly peaceful demonstrators in protests that began in April 2021,” Human Rights Watch said. Colombia’s government should take urgent measures to protect human rights, initiate a comprehensive police reform effort to ensure that officers respect the right of peaceful assembly, and bring those responsible for abuses to justice.”

55 Members of U.S. Congress Urge State Department to Denounce Police Brutality in Colombia (May 2021)
“On May 14, U.S. Representatives James P. McGovern (MA-02), Co-Chair of the Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission, Mark Pocan (WI-02), Jan Schakowsky (IL-09) and Raúl M. Grijalva (AZ-03) led 55 Democratic members of the U.S. House of Representatives in a letter to Secretary of State Antony Blinken urging the State Department to more forcefully denounce police brutality in Colombia, freeze police aid and sales of crowd control equipment, and promote dialogue.”

Judiciary Seeks to Prohibit Street Protests until Herd Immunity Achieved (April 2021)
Since early April, the main labor unions called for a one-day demonstration to be held on April 28, 2021 for people to take to the streets and protest the economic and social policies of President Ivan Duque, especially a fiscal reform that seeks to raise taxes. The day before these rallies, the Administrative Court of Cundinamarca issued a ruling ordering the suspension of the protests. The decision also restricted demonstrations on May 1 (International Workers’ Day). The Court argued that the restriction was necessary due to the pandemic situation in the country. According to the court order, protests are suspended “until a biosecurity protocol is implemented or herd immunity is achieved with vaccination against the COVID-19 pandemic and its variants.” Members of civil society and academia have criticized this decision as contrary to international and constitutional standards on the right to assembly. The decision, for example, assumes that protesters must “request permission” to exercise their right and, therefore, orders municipal authorities to deny or revoke “permits.” Despite the judicial decision, thousands of Colombian marched to protest the government tax proposals.

Human Rights Organizations Call for Investigations into Police Violence by Independent Judges (March 2021)
Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights filed an amicus curiae brief before the Supreme Court supporting a petition to transfer the criminal investigation into the 2019 death of an 18-year-old protester, Dilan Cruz, at the hands of police to the ordinary justice system from the military courts, where it currently stands.

Colombian Intelligence Unit Used U.S. Equipment to Spy on Journalists and Human Rights Defenders (May 2020)
An army intelligence unit provided with U.S. surveillance equipment to fight Marxist rebels and drug traffickers used the assets throughout 2019 to spy on political opponents, government officials, journalists and human-rights activists. Army intelligence units have been developing detailed dossiers on the personal lives of at least 130 reporters, human rights defenders, politicians, judges, and possible military whistleblowers.

News Archive

Special Rapporteur on Human Rights Defenders Releases Report on Colombia (December 2019)

Colombia’s Peace Deal Promised a New Era. So Why Are These Rebels Rearming? (June 2019)

‘Terrible trend’ of rights defenders killed, harassed (May 2019)

Regional Strike in Cauca Enters Twelfth Day (March 2019)

Colombia must act to stop killings and attacks against human rights defenders (December 2018)

Student strikes continue: The march of the pencils (November 2018)

Colombia’s new defense Minister proposes to limit right to protest and attacks social leaders (July 2018)

Inter-American Court of Human Rights orders Colombia to investigate journalist’s murder (June 2018)

Iván Duque wins election to become Colombia’s president (June 2018)

IACHR Urges Colombia to Adopt Urgent Measures to Protect Human Rights Defenders (March 2018)

More than 100 human rights activists killed in Colombia in 2017 (December 2017)

Colombia’s FARC rebels keep famous acronym for new political party (August 2017)

EU envoy calls for Colombia’s social leaders to have ‘maximum protection’ (May 2017)

Spike in killings as activists targeted amid peace process (February 2017)

Security Situation for Human Rights Defenders in Colombia Continues to Deteriorate (January 2017)

Colombia signs peace deal with FARC (November 2016)

Dejusticia sues the Police Code over protest regulation (October 2016)(Spanish)

The paradox of Colombia’s peace deal for FARC (August 2016)

Colombia peasant protests shut down roads, spur violent police response (June 2016)

Massive Threats against Human Rights Defenders in Colombia (April 2016)

IACHR Condemns Killings and Threats Directed against Human Rights Defenders in Colombia (February 2016)

Colombian Government and FARC rebels sign key agreement (December 2015)

Colombian president and rebels declare peace (October 2015)

Student and rights activists among arrested ‘ELN’ bombing suspects (July 2015)

New book on Communications Surveillance and Privacy (April 2015)

New Presidential Decree on Access to Information and Transparency (January 2015)

Wave of Threats Hit Colombian Human Rights Defenders (October 2014)

Democratic and Social Reforms Needed for Lasting Truce in Colombia (August 2014)

Juan Manuel Santos reelected in Colombia’s Presidential elections (June 2014)

Colombia not on IACHR human rights ‘black list’ (April 2014)

Colombia has its first Transparency and Access to Public Information Law (March 2014)

Protest Swell in Colombia’s “Andean Spring” (August 2013)

First half of 2013 worst period on Colombia’s record for human rights workers (August 2013)

Farc rebels and Colombian government reach deal over political participation (June 2013)

Constitutional Court Ruling Green-Lights Law on Transparency and Access to Information (May 2013)

United Nations’ human rights office to remain in Colombia until 2016 (April 2013)

Colombia civil society hand over proposals to FARC (January 2013)

Colombia’s Congress passes military reform law despte objections of human rights groups (December 2012)

Human rights court visits Colombia for ‘blacklist’ revision (December 2012)

NGOs, victims, indigenous groups, and ex-paramilitaries demand involvement in peace negotiations between FARC and Colombian government (October 2012)

Civil society leaders in Santander threatened (October 2012)

Dozens arrested in Colombia protests (October 2012)

Attacks and assassinations against human rights defenders continue in Colombia (October 2012)

Colombia: Peace at last? (October 2012)

CIVICUS intervention in the UPR for Colombia (October 2012)

Supreme Court reverses plans to prosecute a local journalist  (August 2012)

Colombian Congress to approve “Transparency and Access to Information Law” (June 2012)

Civil society report on UN Security Council Resolution 1325 (June 2012)

Civil society “revolt” defends rule of law in Colombia (July 2012)

New report on criminalisation of human rights defenders in Colombia and other countries of the Americas (May 2012)

Attempted shooting of rights lawyer raises questions of political will (May 2012)

Proposed legal amendment would allow impunity for human rights violations (May 2012)

Official statistics report that at least 17 land rights leaders have been murdered in Colombia since June of last year (April 2012)

Violence against human rights defenders in Colombia on the rise (March 2012)

EU-Colombia trade agreement expected to have positive impact on civil society in Colombia (February 2012)

EU recognizes Colombia’s human rights progress (February 2012)

U.S. aid implicated in abuses of power in Colombia (September 2011)

Colombia’s Domestic Intelligence Chief, convicted of criminal conspiracy (September 2011)

Colombia defends human rights record to EU (September 2011)

IACHR condemns continued threats and murders directed against human rights defenders and their families in Colombia (March 2011)

Human Rights Watch World Report 2011 (January 2011)