* Category includes ratification, accession, or succession to the treaty

ARTICLE 3.-(1) The United Republic is a democratic, secular and socialist state which adheres to multi-party democracy.

ARTICLE 9. The object of this Constitution is to facilitate the building of the United Republic as a nation of equal and free individuals enjoying freedom, justice, fraternity and concord, through the pursuit of the policy of Socialism and Self Reliance which emphasizes the application of socialist principles while taking into  account the conditions prevailing in the United Republic. Therefore, the state authority and all its agencies are obliged to direct their policies and programmes towards ensuring ­

(a)  that human dignity and other human rights are respected and cherished;

(b)  that the laws of the land are upheld and enforced;

(c)  that activities of the Government are conducted in such a way as to ensure that the national wealth and heritage are harnessed, preserved and applied for the common good and also to prevent the exploitation of one person by another;

(d)  that the national economy is planned and promoted in a balanced  and integrated manner;

(e)  that every person who is able to work does work, and work means

any legitimate activity by which a person earns a living;

(f)  that human dignity is preserved and upheld in accordance with the

spirit of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights;

(g)  that the Government and all its agencies accord equal opportunities to all citizens, men and women alike without regard to their colour,

tribe, religion or station in life;

(h)  that all forms of injustice, intimidation, discrimination, corruption,  oppression or favouritism are eradicated;

Article 18 protects the right to freedom of expression: “Every person:

1. has a freedom of opinion and expression of his ideas;
2. has a right to seek, receive and, or disseminate information regardless of national boundaires;
3. has the freedom to communicate and a freedom with protection from interference from his communication;
4. has a right to be informed at all times of various important events of life and activities of the people and also of issues of importance to the society.”

Article 20 protects the rights to freedom of association and assembly: “Every person has a freedom, to freely and peaceably assemble, associate and cooperate with other persons, express views publicly and to form and join with associations or organisations formed for purposes of preserving or furthering his beliefs or interests or any other interests.” It also states that “It shall be unlawful for any person to be compelled to join any association or organization, or for any association or any political party to be refused registration on grounds solely the ideology or philosophy of that political party.”  It includes limits on this right for “political entities,” however.

Article 21 protects the right to participate in public affairs: “. . . every citizen of the United Republic is entitled to take part in matters pertaining to the governance of the country, either directly or through representatives freely elected by the people, in conformity with the procedures laid down by, or in accordance with, the law.” It goes on to state that “Every citizen has the right and the freedom to participate fully in the process leading to the decision on matters affecting him, his well-being or the nation.”

Article 26. Duty to Abide and Protect the Constitution

(1) Every person has the duty to observe and to abide by this Constitution and the laws of the United Republic.

(2) Every person has the right, in accordance with the procedure provided by law, to take legal action to ensure the protection of this Constitution and the laws of the land.

Relevant national laws affecting civl society include:

1. Political Parties Code of Conduct (R.E 2025)
2. Non-Governmental Act of 2002 (as amended in 2005)
3. The Societies Act
4. The NGO Code of Conduct for Tanzania NGOs
5. The National Policy on Non-governmental Organizations
6. Amendments to the Value Added Tax
7. Constitution of the United Republic of Tanzania
8. The Non-Governmental Organizations Regulations, GN No. 152 of 2004
9. The Non-Governmental Organizations (The National Council
   Operational) Regulations GN No. 92 of 2016
10. The Non-Governmental Organizations (Amendments) Regulations GN No,
    609 of 2018
11. The Non- Governmental Organizations (Renewal and Incentives)
    Regulation GN No. 686 of 2019
12. NGO (Rights and Duties of Assistant Registrars) Regulations, 2019
13. Non-Governmental Organizations Code of Conduct GN No. 363 of 2008
14. The Tax Administration Act
15. The Finance Act of 2024/2025
16. Income Tax Act (ITA) 2015.
17. Tanzania Revenue Authority Act
18. Value Added Tax Act
19. Custom and Excise Duty Act
20. Stamp Duty Act.
21. The Basic Rights and Duties Enforcement Act No. 33 of 1994 (2020 Amendments )
22. The Police Force and Auxiliary Services Act, 1939 Cap. 322, [R.E. 2002]
23. The Non- Governmental Organizations Act 2002.
24. The Written Laws (Miscellaneous Amendment) Act No3 of 2019
25. The Written Laws (Miscellaneous Amendment) Act No3 of 2020
26. The Non-Governmental Organizations Act (Amendment) Regulations, 2019
27. The Electronic and Postal Communications (Online Content) Regulations, 2020
28. The Political Party Act  (2019 Amendments)
29. The Media Services Act, 2016
30. The Cyber Crimes Act, 2015
31. The Statistics Act, 2015and its 2019 Amendments
32. The National Security Act of 1970, [Cap. 47 [R.E 2002]
33. The National Defence Act, Cap 192 [R.E 2002]
34. The Prevention and Combating of Corruption, Act No. 11 of 2007
35. The Area Commissioner Act 1962 & Regions and Regional Commissioners Act 1962
36. The Civil Service Act 1989
37. The Film and Stage Act No 4 of 1976, and its 2019 amendments
38. The Penal Code
39. The Media Services Regulations, 2017.
40. The Whistleblower and Witness Protection Act 2016
41. The Whistleblower and Witness Protection Regulations, 2023.
42. The Personal Data Protection Act, 2022.
43. The Personal Data Protection (Personal Data Collection and 3Processing) Regulations, 2023.
44. Election Observers Guidelines of 2024 by Independent Electro Commission
45. The Tanzania Presidential, Parliamentary and Local Government
    Election Act of 2024,
46. Guidelines for the Update of Biometric Voter Registry, GN. No 20
    Volume 105 of May 2024.
47. The  National Arts Council Act, (Cap. 204)
48. Zanzibar Non-Governmental Policy of 2012
49. The  Society Act No 6 of 1995  For Zanzibar
50. The Zanzibar Cooperative Societies Act of 2018
51. The Registration of News Agents, Newspapers and Books Act (Act No. 5 of 1988)
52. The Zanzibar Revenue Board Act, Zanzibar (Act No. 7 of 1996)
53. The Value Added Tax Act (Act No. 4 of 1998)
54. The Office of The Chief Government Statistician, Zanzibar (Act No. 7 of 2007)
55. The Tax Administration and Procedures Act, (Act No. 7 of 2009), Revised 2013
56. The Penal Act of Zanzibar, Act No. 6
57. The Employment Act (Act No. 11 of 2005)Zanzibar
58. The Employment and Labor Relations Act in Tanzania (CAP. 366 R.E. 2019)
59. The Prevention of Terrorism Act, 2002
60. The Labor Relations Act (Act No. l of 2005)
61. The Police Force and Auxiliary Services Act (Cap 322 R.E)
62. Penal Code (Tanzania) Cap 16 R.E 2009)
63. The Anti-Sexual Harassment and Anti Gender Discrimination Regulations of 2013.
64. The Societies Rules of 1995
65. Economic and Organized Crimes Control Act 1984 (Cap 200 R.E 2002)
66. The Prevention and Combating of Corruption Act, No. 11 of 2007 (Cap 329)
67. The Anti-Money Laundering Act, No.160 of 2007 (Cap 423)
68. The Drugs and Prevention of Illicit Traffic in Drugs Act, 1995
69. Proceeds of Crime Act [R.E 2002]
70. Anti-Trafficking in Persons Act, CAP 432 [R.E 2022]
71. The Tanzania Communications Regulatory Authority Act
72. The Penal Act of Zanzibar, Act No. 6 of 2018
73. The Political Parties Affairs Laws (Amendment ) Act 2024.
74. The Independent Electro Commission Act No. 2  of 2024

Tanzanian Human Rights Defenders Coalition convening

In November 2023, the Tanzanian Human Rights Defenders Coalition (THRDC) convened human rights defenders (HRDs) from all regions of the country to celebrate the 25th anniversary of the UN Declaration on Human Rights and discuss its implementation in the country and the need to strengthen the legal framework for the promotion and protection of the rights of HRDs through the adoption of a policy on this subject. A draft policy was then presented to the participants. Among other things, it ensures that decisions on registration, suspension and de-registration of organizations are taken by a body whose members are mostly from civil society. In addition, it also provides for a state obligation to ensure an enabling environment for HRDs. The policy was adopted by civil society and a commitment has been made by the office of the Minister of Constitutional and Legal Affairs to kickstart the process of its implementation.

New commission to advise on tax issues

CSOs under the Coordination of THRDC in collaboration with Tanzania Revenue Authority for years have advocated for CSOs tax reforms in Tanzania with proposed recommendations. In July 2024, the President formed a commission to advise on tax issues within the country.

Criminal justice system reform

In January 2023, the President formed a commission for reviewing the criminal justice system and CSOs submitted recommendations in April 2023. THRDC members submitted a list of proposed amendments to all institutions involved in criminal issues, like the police, judiciary, prisons.  The Commission issued a draft report incorporating many of those recommendations. Though meaningful changes have not been made, civil society hopes that this will influence and lead to changes in the criminal justice system in the near future.

If you are aware of any pending legislative or regulatory initiatives that affect civic freedoms in Tanzania, please write to ICNL at ngomonitor@icnl.org.

The legal framework in Tanzania provides for a range of organizational forms for CSOs. These include, among others, societies, trusts, and non-governmental organizations (NGOs).

On June 30, 2019, the Written Laws (Misc. Amendments) Act No. 3 of 2019 (“the Miscellaneous Amendments Act”) took effect in Tanzania. It amends key laws governing civil society – namely, the Non-Governmental Organizations (NGO) Act, the Societies Act and the Companies Act.

An NGO is defined under section 2 of the NGO Act, 2002, as amended by section 29 of the Miscellaneous Amendments Act:

‘Non-Governmental Organization’ also known by its acronym ‘NGO’ and which includes Community Based Organisation (CBO) means a voluntary grouping of individuals or organizations which is non-partisan or non-profit sharing established and operates for the benefit or welfare of the community or public organized at the local, national or international levels for the purpose of enhancing or promoting economic, environmental, social or cultural development or protecting environment, good governance, law and order, human rights, and lobbying or advocating on such issues; but does not include: 

• a company formed and registered under the Companies Act, Cap. 318 
• a trust formed and registered under the Trustees’ Incorporation Act; Cap. 366 
• a trade union formed and registered under the Employment and Labour Relations Act; 
• a religious or faith propagating organisation; Cap. 211 
• a cooperative society formed and registered under the Cooperative Societies Act; 
• an agricultural association formed and registered under any written law other than this Act; Cap. 337 
• a society formed and registered under the Societies Act; Cap. 258 
• a political party formed and registered under the Political Parties Act; Act No. 10 of 2018 
• a microfinance group (VICOBA) registered under the Microfinance Act; Cap. 49 
• a sports association formed and registered under the National Sport Council of Tanzania Act; and 
• any organisation which the Minister may, by order published in the Gazette, declare not to be a non-governmental organisation for the purpose of this Act.

The Ministry of Community Development, Gender, Women and Special Groups maintains a public database of registered NGOs on its website.

A society is defined under section 2 of the Societies Act, as amended by section 35 of the Miscellaneous Amendments Act:

“Society” means a non -partisan and non -political association of ten or more persons established for professional, social, cultural, religion or economic benefits or welfare of its members, formed and registered as such under this Act, but does not include –

(a) a company formed and registered under the Companies Act;

(b) a trust formed and registered under the Trustees’ Incorporation Act.

This country note will focus predominantly on NGOs.

Zanzibar

The legal framework governing non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in Zanzibar is primarily defined by the Societies Act No. 6 of 1995, which outlines the procedures for the registration and regulation of societies. However, this Act does not explicitly define NGOs, leading to regulatory ambiguities. The Companies Act No. 15 of 2013 offers an alternative by allowing non-profit entities to register as companies limited by guarantee, provided they adhere to the standard articles of association specified in the Companies Regulations of 2017.

In Zanzibar, according to the Second Chapter of the Zanzibar NGOs Policy, the phrase NGO is construed to mean “a non-governmental organization or a voluntary and unprofitable organized group, associations, institutions or community-based unions that are mainly established and registered for social, economic, cultural or environmental development.”

According to THRDC Compendium of Laws governing CSOs in Zanzibar, not all CSOs  are subjected to registration under the Societies Act, section 2(1) 35. According to the stated provision, exempted entities to which the Act does not apply include Political Parties registered under the Political Parties Act, companies under the Companies Decree, public enterprises constituted under the Public Enterprises Decree, and registered trade unions to which trade union legislation for the time being in force applies. Others are firms or partnerships formed and maintained for the sole purpose of carrying on any lawful business, cooperative society to which the Cooperative Society Act applies, cultural, athletic, sports, or similar groups registered under the National Arts Council Act,  international organization of which the United Republic of Tanzania or, where appropriate, the Government of Zanzibar is a member or has allowed the conduct of its activities in Zanzibar, and any branch, section or organ of such organization and any combination or association which may be determined by the Minister for the purpose of this Act.

Despite these provisions, the absence of a comprehensive legal framework specifically for NGOs has been a concern. In response, the Zanzibar House of Representatives was expected to table a new NGO Bill in early 2021 to formalize governance, oversight, and compliance mechanisms. As of now, this bill has not been enacted, leaving NGOs to operate under the existing, and somewhat outdated, regulatory structures. The NGO Registrar, appointed under the Societies Act, continues to oversee the registration and supervision of these organizations, but the current legal framework presents challenges in ensuring effective regulation and support for the NGO sector.

NGOs in Tanzania are not automatically exempted from paying taxes. Rather, under the Income Tax Act, 2004, they must apply to the Commissioner-General of the Tanzania Revenue Authority for recognition as a charitable organization.

According to the CSOs Tax Tool Kit Volume 2, Part X of the Finance Act, 2024, specifically Section 38, has amended the Income Tax Act, Cap. 332. The significant change involves the amendment of Section 64(8), which now includes the advancement of health and environmental protection as criteria for obtaining charitable organization status. This amendment aims to promote charitable services related to health and environmental protection, addressing the effects of global climate change. Even though major parts of NPOs recommendations for review were not considered the government developed several amendments, which impacted positively NPOs.

The updated Section 64(8) of the Income Tax Act now recognizes health and environmental protection activities as qualifying criteria for charitable status. As a result, our revised second edition of the CSOs Tax Toolkit 2024 has been updated on page 29 to reflect these changes.

The current text of Section 64(8) effective from July 1, 2024, Section 64(8) (a) of the Income Tax Act reads as follows:

S. 64(8) For purposes of this section, “charitable organization” means a resident entity of a public character that satisfies the following conditions:

(a) the entity was established and functions solely as an organization for:

(i) the relief of poverty or distress of the public.

(ii) environmental protection;”

(iii) the advancement of education, or health, or

(iv) the provision of public health, education, water or road construction or maintenance.

Implications to Non-Profit Organizations

The amendments to Section 64 of the Income Tax Act provide slight progress in ongoing CSO advocacy under THRDC coordination for the review of tax regime laws in favor of all major thematic areas of NGOs. Therefore, the scope of charitable activities recognized for tax exemptions is now widened to include non-profit organizations focusing on health and environmental activities.

Taxation policies affecting NGOs in Zanzibar are delineated in several key pieces of legislation. It should be remembered that all issues under Tanzania Revenue Authority are under Union Matters. The Tax Administration and Procedures Act No. 7 of 2009 establishes the general framework for tax administration. The Income Tax Act of 2019 and the Value Added Tax Act No. 4 of 1998 impose obligations on entities, including NGOs, concerning income tax and VAT, respectively. While certain exemptions exist, such as those outlined in the Excise Duty Act No. 8 of 2017, which provides tax relief for specific goods and services imported by international organizations and aid agencies, these exemptions do not automatically extend to NGOs registered as societies or companies limited by guarantee. This results in many NGOs being subject to standard excise duties and VAT, which is levied at a rate of 15% with a registration threshold of TZS 50 million (approximately USD 21,500) in annual taxable turnover. The establishment of the Zanzibar Revenue Authority (ZRA) under the Zanzibar Revenue Authority Act No. 11 of 2022 has centralized tax administration, replacing the former Zanzibar Revenue Board.

Public participation in Tanzania is protected under the Constitution, which provides for the right to vote (Art. 5(1)), the right to freedom of expression (Art. 18), the right to freedom of association (Art. 20), and the freedom to participate in public affairs (Art. 21). Several laws further support these rights:

• The Access to Information Act No 6 of 2016 provides for public access to information.
• The Elections Act Cap 343 RE 2015 regulates presidential and parliamentary elections.
• The Local Government (District Authorities) Act No. 7 of 1982 (as amended in 2019) governs local authorities.
• The Political Parties Act Cap 258 RE:2019 regulates political party registration and activities.
• The Environmental Management Act No. 20 of 2004 establishes principles of public participation in environmental governance.
• The Non- Governmental Organizations Act No 24 of 2002 provides for NGO registration and oversight.
• The Media Services Act of 2016 regulates media and professional accreditation.
• The Public Procurement Act No.7 of 2011 governs public procurement.
• The 2025 Political Parties Code of Conduct in Tanzania, established under the authority of the Political Parties Act (Cap. 258) and administered by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), serves as a legally binding framework intended to promote ethical conduct, political tolerance, and peaceful competition among political parties in the electoral context.

Regulations under these laws, such as the Elections (Presidential and Parliamentary Elections) Regulations of 2010 and the Local Government (Election of Councilors) Regulations of 2020, also include provisions to facilitate public participation. For environmental matters, Section 46 of the Environmental Management Act No. 20 of 2004 and Regulation 17 of the Environmental Impact Assessment and Audit Regulations GN No. 349 of 2005 specifically mandate public involvement in environmental planning and assessment.

Several laws also aim to protect marginalized groups’ participation rights, such as the HIV and AIDS (Prevention and Control) Act No. 28 of 2008, Persons with Disabilities Act No. 9 of 2010, and National Policy on Aging of 2003. However, LGBTQI individuals continue to face significant legal and societal discrimination, and advocacy on LGBTQI issues remains restricted. CSOs supporting these rights risk deregistration, and the government has warned against disseminating LGBTQI-related content online.

Despite legal guarantees, some laws undermine participation:

• The Cybercrimes Act of 2015 criminalizes unauthorized access to information and grants law enforcement the powers to search homes of suspected violators, seize their electronic hardware, and demand data from online service providers.
• The Media Services Act of 2016 gives government agencies broad power to censor and limit the independence of the media by creating stringent rules for journalist accreditation and creating offenses and oversight powers that are abused by the government (many journalists who use media to address community challenges are forced stop their work with the journalist accreditation board due to this Act).
• The Non-Governmental Act of 2002 allows broad administrative authority to target  NGOs, particularly those critical of the government or advocating for LGBTQI rights.
• The Political Parties Act Cap 258 RE 2019 expanded the registrar’s powers, allowing interference in party affairs, suspension of members, and deregistration of parties.
• The Tanzania Presidential, Parliamentary and Local Government Election Regulations of 2025 restrict the independence of CSOs as election monitors and observers by not allowing CSOs that are accredited as election observers to comment or address the media on election irregularities during the observation period or to make their election observation reports public before submitting the report to the National Election report for approval.

These restrictions disproportionately affect CSOs, journalists, and advocates focused on rule of law, human rights, and democracy issues, as well as those who criticize the government. There have also been cases where the public participation rights of environmental defenders have been restricted.

To some degree, citizens are aware of opportunities for public participation. Information is shared via online publications on different government websites, through public meetings and workshops, and via government gazettes.

Participation is often undermined in practice. The 2024 local government elections, held on November 27, were marred by irregularities. A large number of opposition candidates—mainly from CHADEMA, the main opposition party—were disqualified, leaving opposition parties with only 30,977 candidates for 80,430 posts. The ruling party, on the other hand, contested every seat, raising serious concerns about electoral fairness.

The Political Parties Code of Conduct, established under the Political Parties Act (Cap. 258) and administered by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), promotes political tolerance and ethical conduct. For the October 2025 general elections, all parties were required to sign the revised code by April 12. While most parties complied, CHADEMA refused, citing constitutional concerns and claiming selective enforcement against opposition voices. In response, INEC disqualified CHADEMA from participating in the 2025 elections and any by-elections until 2030.

This move drew legal and political backlash. CHADEMA argued that INEC lacks the authority to disqualify a political party and vowed to challenge the decision through domestic courts and regional human rights mechanisms.

All NGOs must register to operate under the NGO Act (NGO Act, Section 11(1)). All NGOs must apply for registration with the Office of the Registrar of NGOs, which is part of the Ministry of Community Development, Gender, Women and Special Groups (Section 11(1)).

Section 12 of the NGO Act, 2002 outlines the process and required documents to apply for registration:

(1) A group of persons who wish to apply for registration of a Non-Governmental Organization shall make application in the prescribed form to the Registrar.

(2) An application for registration shall be submitted by one or more persons, being founder members, which shall be accompanied by:

(a) A copy of the constitution of the Non-Governmental Organization;

(b) Minutes containing full names and signature of founder members;

(c) Personal particulars of the office bearer;

(d) The address and physical location of the head office of the Non-Governmental Organization;

(e) An application fee; and

(f) Any other particulars or information as may be required by the Registrar.

The NGO Act, 2002 authorizes the NGO Coordination Board (Board) to (1) approve and coordinate registration of NGOs; (2) examine annual reports of NGOs; and (3) investigate NGO adherence with their governing documents (NGO Act, Sections 7(1)(a), (c), (d), (f) and (l)). Upon acceptance of the application, the Board directs the Registrar of NGOs to issue a certificate of registration to the applicant.

The Board can refuse to register an organization as an NGO if (1) the activities are not in the public interest or are contrary to any written law; (2) the application contains false or misleading information on any material matter; or (3) the Council has recommended that the NGO not be registered (NGO Act, Section 14). (The Council is the National Council for NGOs, established under the NGO Act as a collective forum of NGOs to coordinate and provide a network for NGOs in Tanzania. (NGO Act, Sections 25(2)-(3), 27, and 28)).

If the Board denies the application, it must provide a reason for the denial within 21 days and the applicant may apply to the Board to review the decision. If the Board upholds the rejection, the applicant may then apply to the Minister of Health, Community Development, Gender, Elderly and Children to evaluate the case. The Minister may either (a) uphold, quash, or alter the decision of the Board; (b) require the Board to revise or review its decision; or (c) require the Board to request additional information from the appellant for further consider the application. The decision of the Minister is final and binding.

NGOs must renew their certificate of registration every 10 years. (NGO Act, Section 17(3)). Applications for renewal of registration must be made 6 months before the expiry date (NGO Act, Section 17(4)).

The registration fees for domestic NGOs are 100,000 Tanzania shillings ($43), while fees are $500 for international NGOs. Similarly, the annual subscription fees for domestic NGOs are 4,000 Tanzania Shillings ($20), while the fees for an international NGO are 60,000 Tanzania Shillings ($30).

Section 2 of the NGO Act, 2002, as amended by the Miscellaneous Amendments Act, limits NGO purposes to “enhancing or promoting economic, environmental, social or cultural development or protecting the environment, good governance, law and order, human rights, and lobbying or advocating for such issues.” Any purpose not covered by this definition is not permitted. NGOs are not permitted to become involved in political platforms or conduct activities that are aimed toward influencing or mobilizing citizens to engage in a certain political party.

In terms of reporting, NGOs must publish two annual reports: (1) the annual activity report (made available to the public, the Council, the Board, and other stakeholders) (NGO Act, Section 29(1)); and (2) the annual audited financial report (submitted to the Council and Board and made available to the public) (NGO Act, Section 29(1)(b)).

In addition to the annual audited financial report, NGOs have financial transparency and reporting obligations under the NGO Act (Amendment) Regulations of 2018:

• NGOs must disclose to the public, Registrar, Council, Board, and other stakeholders the source, expenditure, purpose, and activities related to funds or resources obtained within 14 days from the date of completing fundraising activities (NGO Regulations, Regulation 12); and
• If the NGO receives funds exceeding twenty million shillings, then it must submit contracts or agreements entered with donors to the Treasury and Registrar for approval; declare to the Registrar any resource received in cash or in kind before its expenditure; and publish biannually in a widely-circulating newspaper or other media channels funds received and expenditures (NGO Regulations, Regulation 13).

International NGOs also have additional duties. These include (1) fostering and promoting the capacities and abilities of other NGOs, (2) participating in the activities of the Council; and (3) refraining from acts likely to cause competition or misunderstanding among NGOs (NGO Act, Section 31).

The government has significant powers to monitor NGO activities. The NGO Registrar may conduct monitoring and evaluation of NGO activities on a quarterly basis and report to the Board (NGO Act, Section 4(1)(i)); investigate any matter as required, through collaboration with law enforcement organs (NGO Act, Section 4(A)(1)); and require cooperation from law enforcement and public entities to provide facilities and services of employees deemed necessary to help the Registrar perform its functions (NGO Act, Section 4(A)(2)). Moreover, the relevant Minister may issue guidelines necessary for monitoring and evaluating the operations of NGOs (NGO Act, Section 4(4)).

Regarding sanctions, a person commits an offense if he/she, among others, operates an NGO without registering under the NGO Act (NGO Act, Section 35(1)). In such a case, the person is liable for a fine of up to 500,000 shillings or imprisonment for up to one year, or both a fine and imprisonment (NGO Act, Section 35(1)); and disqualified from holding office in any NGO on mainland Tanzania for a maximum period of 5 years (NGO Act, Section 35(2)).

Regarding involuntary dissolution, the NGO Registrar may suspend the operations of any NGO that violates the provisions of the NGO Act, pending final determination by the Board (NGO Act, Section 4(1)(i)). The Board may suspend or cancel a certificate of registration if the NGO has violated terms or conditions of the certificate of registration; the NGO has ceased to exist; the NGO operates “in variance” to its constitution; or the Council has submitted a recommendation for the suspension/cancellation of the NGO (NGO Act, Section 20(1)).

Another restriction on CSO operations in Tanzania is the practice whereby CSOs are required to apply for  work or operation permits from the President’s Office and regional and local government Authorities (TAMISEMI). A report  jointly conducted by National Council of NGOs (NaCoNGO) and THRDC indicates that this requirement affects and delays CSO, operations, especially in rural areas. Moreover, there are no open and written permit guidelines to guide the process and requirements for permit applications are both demanding and time consuming for CSOs. Often CSOs have failed to comply with project deadlines or they have been forced to return funds to donors for failure to secure TAMISEMI operational permits.

Lastly, NGOs have generally been able to collaborate with state bodies, such as the judiciary and parliament. However, the judiciary has been very selective in making decisions about which organizations state bodies can work with. The top leadership of the judiciary is more comfortable working with INGOs and UN agencies than local CSOs.

Regulation 13(b) of the Non-Governmental Organizations (Amendments) Regulations, 2018, requires an NGO that receives more than 20 million Tanzanian Shillings ($8,500) to publish bi-annually the funds received, and the costs incurred in raising such funds. This information must be published in widely circulated newspapers and other media channels that are easily accessible to the organization’s beneficiaries. The law also requires all funding contracts to be submitted to the Registrar  of NGOs and National Treasury within 14 days from the date of entering into such an agreement. Unlike other countries, Tanzania does not have any law that allocate or restricts a certain amount of money to be collected by CSOs from foreign donors.

The decline of CSO activism Tanzania is also caused by the lack of human rights grants for activism and advocacy work. Many donors have shifted their interest more to business support as well as supporting mainly international and UN agencies and their homegrown CSOs, which cannot conduct human rights activism in Tanzania. This is why the aid localization agenda must be prioritized as part of improving the state of human rights activism and advocacy in Tanzania. The majority of CSOs in Tanzania operate without project funds or with insufficient resources. The current CSO finance space is further complicated by U.S President Trump’s executive orders in relation to U.S government funds to developing countries.

Article 18 of the 1977 Constitution of Tanzania provides for freedom of expression without exception. Nevertheless, in practice, state agencies implement provisions of certain laws, such as the Police Force and Auxiliary Service Act, 2002, and the Media Services Act, 2016, in ways that undermine the freedom of expression. Several studies and analysis done by THRDC for the past five years indicates many laws were enacted or reviewed deliberately suppress free speech and media rights in Tanzania. Some  of these laws include, the Media Services Act, Media Services Regulations, Cybercrimes Act, Electronic and Postal Communications (Online Content) Regulations, Electronic and Postal Communication (Sim-Card Registration) Regulations of 2020, Personal Data Protection Act, Personal Data Protection Regulations, Statistics Act, and Access to Information Act. These reviews, along with analyses from various stakeholders over the years, indicate that freedom of expression in Tanzania is not respected.

Human rights defenders, children and other activists have been victims of abductions and enforced disappearances. In the year 2024, THRDC documented 47 incidents of abductions and attacks on human rights defenders and political activists. Tanzania has not yet ratified the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance of 2010. Further, most of the incidences of abductions and enforced disappearances have not been investigated.

The following laws have been used to impede the freedom of expression in Tanzania:

The Cyber Crime Act, 2015 criminalizes certain online activities, including the publication of false, deceptive, misleading, or inaccurate information. The Act gives law enforcement broad powers to search and seize electronic equipment. In addition, the Act does not require investigating officers to obtain a warrant before carrying out activities, such as surveillance or interception of communications; “reasonable grounds” are sufficient. Procedural safeguards and due process guarantees are also largely left out of the Act. Key terms, including “offences,” are further not clearly defined. The Act also includes a “sedition offence” that carries severe penalties. More generally, its criminal sanctions are highly disproportionate, and it only recognizes a small number of available defenses. The government has prosecuted the independent online activities of bloggers, journalists, and citizens under this law.

Other laws, such as the National Arts Act of 1984 and its recent amendments, established the National Arts Council (Baraza la Sanaa la Taifa) with powers to interfere and restrict the freedoms of artists in Tanzania. The NAC has been suspending, inspecting, or destroying any artistic work if found in contravention with laws of the country. The most affected artists are independent musicians who use music industry to address public challenges.

The same law was also used on January 9, 2025 against Dr. Willibrod Slaa, a politician and former General Secretary of CHADEMA. He was  unlawfully arrested and denied bail on allegations of publishing false information against section 16 of the Cyber Crimes Act No. 14 of 2015. Even though the offence he was charged with was bailable, Dr Slah was denied bail for unknown legal grounds to date. On January 27, 2025, police officers also put under siege the CHADEMA opposition party’s offices while denying journalists entry into the office to cover the incident. This action  denied CHADEMA leaders the right to freedom of expression, especially right to inform the public under Article 18 of the Constitution.

The Cyber Crime Act, 2015 further criminalizes certain online activities, including the publication of false, deceptive, misleading, or inaccurate information and provides law enforcement broad powers to search and seize electronic equipment. In addition, the Act does not require investigating officers to obtain a warrant before carrying out activities such as surveillance or interception of communications; “reasonable grounds” are sufficient. Procedural safeguards and due process guarantees are also largely left out of the Act. Key terms, including “offences,” are further not clearly defined. The Act also includes a “sedition offence” that carries severe penalties. More generally, its criminal sanctions are highly disproportionate, and it only recognizes a small number of available defenses. The government has prosecuted the independent online activities of bloggers, journalists, and citizens under this law.

A 2024 study by THRDC and the East Africa Human Rights Institute on freedom of expression and media law related cases found that the Cybercrimes Act No. 14 of 2015, and especially Section 16, has often been used in cases involving the publication of false information intended to defame, insult, or mislead. Section 16 was the most frequently cited across numerous cases, including:

1. Livinus Kidamabi @ Tengwa v. Republic, Criminal Appeal No. 96 of 2022, High Court of the United Republic of Tanzania, Shinyanga Sub-Registry. This is an appeal of the above stated case at the High Court of Tanzania.
2. Republic vs Abdul S/O Mahamoud Omary Nondo Criminal Case No 13/2018. In the Court of Resident Magistrates of Iringa, Nondo was charged with two counts, namely Publication of false information, contrary to section 16 of The Cybercrimes Act No. 14 of 2015 and giving false information to a person employed in the public service, contrary to section 122(a) of the Penal Code Cap 16 RE 2002.
3. The Director of Public Prosecutions Abdul Mohamed Omary Nondo, Rm. Criminal Appeal No. 10 of 2019. This is an appeal from the above case where the DPP withdrew the case.
4. Japhet Ibrahim Matarra V Republic, Criminal Appeal No 51 of 2023. It is an appeal before the High Court of Tanzania Moshi District Registry, at Moshi, the Appellant appealed against his charges and sentence of 5 years or pay fine of seven million shillings for the offence of publication of false information, contrary to section 16 of the Cybercrimes Act, 2015, by the District Court of Moshi at Moshi.
5. Raymond Paul Kanegene & BOB Chachawangwe s. The Attorney General. Consolidated misc. cause no. 15/2019 and no. 5/2020. This is a Constitutional case which challenged the constitutional validity of Sections 16 and 39(2)(a) &(b) of the Cybercrimes Act No. 14 of 2015. It was dismissed.
6. Republic Vs. Opptertus John Fwema. [criminal case 156/2021]. [miscellaneous criminal application no 27 of 2021]. Mr. Fwema, a cartoonist, was arrested for allegedly posting false information on his Instagram account, which is contrary to section 16 of the Cyber Crimes Act, 2015. The case was withdrawn by the prosecution.
7. Republic vs Alex Emmanuel Magoti, criminal case no. 205/2022. Magoti was arrested for publishing false content through a YouTube channel called Gatta Online Media, which was contrary to section 16 of the Cyber Crimes Act. He was also accused of providing online content services without a license from the Tanzania Communications Regulatory Authority (TCRA), which violated regulations 4 (1) and (2) the Electronic and Postal Communications (Online Content) Regulations of 2020. He was sentenced to pay fine of Ten million or three years of imprisonment.
8. Werdy S/O Mwaipopo vs The Republic. [Crim Appeal No. 108/2020]. Mr. Werdy Mwaipopo, was convicted for posting a derogatory image and message on Facebook regarding Prophet Mohammad, which was deemed to incite racism and xenophobia. The trial magistrate sentenced him to three years and six months in prison for publishing racist and xenophobic-motivated insults contrary to section 18(1) and (2) of the Cybercrimes Act No. 14 of 2015.
9. Omary Nzobalakila Vs R, Criminal Appeal No. 56 OF 2022, High Court of Tanzania, Morogoro District Registry. Omary Nzobalakila, a Burundian national employed as a driver, was arrested and charged with cyberbullying under the Cyber Crime Act 14 R.E. 2015. Upon arraignment, he pleaded ‘it is true’, which was interpreted as a plea of guilty. Subsequently, he was convicted and sentenced to three years in prison or a fine of TZS. 5 million. He appealed and was set free by the High Court.
10. David Peter @ Sembosi and Another vs Republic, Criminal Appeal No. 45/2022. The appellants were accused of creating and operating a website that distributed DSTV content without authorization. They were charged for violation of intellectual property rights Contrary to Section 24(1) & (2) (b) of the Cyber Crimes Act No. 14 of 2015 trial court sentenced them to pay a fine of Twenty Million Tanzanian Shillings (TZS 20,000,000/=) or to imprisonment for a term of five (5) years in default to pay the said fine. They were aggrieved by the verdict of the trial Court and hence appealed to the High Court whereby they were set free by the High Court.
11. Leonard Mulokozi Kyaruzi vs Republi, Criminal Appeal No. 290/2018. Mulokozi Kyaruzi was arraigned before the Resident Magistrates’ Court at Kisutu and charged with two counts: Publication of defamatory information contrary to Section 16 of the Cybercrimes Act No. 14 of 2015 and Transmission of Offensive Communication by means of application service contravening the Electronic and Postal Communications Act No. 03 of 2010. The High Court set him free. 
12. Bob Chacha Wangwe Versus Republic, Criminal Appeal No. 370 of 2018. Bob Chacha Wangwe, the appellant, was initially accused and convicted at the Kisutu Resident Magistrate’s Court of posting misleading and potentially harmful information on Facebook contrary to Section 16 of the Cybercrimes Act. He was sentenced to 1 year and 6 months imprisonment or fine of Five Million. He paid fine and appealed to the High Court which set him free.
13. Aman Yohana Mandeville vs. the Republic Hc. Criminal Appeal No. 22 of 2021. High Court of Tanzania, Mwanza Sub-Registry, At Mwanza. Aman was charged with three counts in the Resident Magistrates’ Court of Geita: (i) Computer related forgery under sections 11(2) and (2) of the Cyber Crime Act, 2015, (ii) Being in possession of illegal devices under sections 10(1)(a) and (2) of the Cyber Crime Act, 2015, and (iii) Data espionage under sections 8(1) and (2) of the Cyber Crime Act, 2015. He was found guilty on one offence. He appealed and was set free by the High Court.
14. Anord Jifike Nzali and 10 others vs. Republic, Consolidated Miscellaneous Criminal Application No. 73, 75 & 76 of 2023, the High Court of Tanzania, Mbeya District Registry. Anord and 10 others were arrested and charged for economic offences and unlawful possession of illegal device contrary to sections 10 (1) (a) of the Cyber Crimes No. 14 of 2015.

The Statistics Act of 2015 made it a crime for people in Tanzania to publish “false official statistics” or to disseminate information that would result in the “distortion of facts.” In 2018, Parliament amended the law to make it a crime to publish statistics without the approval of the National Bureau of Statistics, and to disseminate statistics that “invalidate, distort or discredit” the government bodies’ statistics. In 2019, the Written Laws (Miscellaneous Amendments) Act No. 3 amended the Statistics Act yet again to affirm that every person has a right to collect and disseminate statistical information and removes criminal liability for publishing independent statistics. These law has significantly affected   reaserchers and the capacity of CSOs to conduct social and human rights studies  by denying them researh permit and also by subjecting unofficial and normal  surveys to be scrutinized like scientific research.

The Media Services Act (MSA), 2016 contains vague and ambiguous terminology, such as “false statements,” “rumors,” and “disturbing the public peace.” Among the most problematic provisions is section 58, which gives the Minister of Information, Youth, Culture and Sports “absolute discretion” to prohibit importing a foreign publication. Furthermore, section 59 provides the Minister discretionary powers to prohibit or otherwise sanction the publication of any content that jeopardizes national security or public safety. This section has been used to ban or suspend independent media and has been a key tool in the crackdown on civic space. Section 7 of the MSA still restricts type of news and content without justifiable cause while Section 9 (b) of the Media Services Act empowers the Director of Information Services Department to suspend or cancel license of a media outlet and make him or her complainat, prosecutor and a judge at the same time. The coming of President Samia into Power in 2021 provided certain kind of relief to civic space and media. For instance, on June 13, 2023, Parliament passed enabling amendments to the MSA, including removing criminal defamation offenses, eliminating courts’ power to confiscate media equipment, and increasing media self-regulation and opportunities to earn resources through advertising.

The Access to Information Act, 2016, promotes transparency and supports the right of access to information, as guaranteed under Article 18 of the Constitution. However, it also imposes severe penalties for wrongly releasing information to the public. The authorities may also withhold information if its disclosure is deemed likely to, inter alia, undermine Tanzania’s international relations, hinder or cause substantial harm to the government’s management of the economy, or distort records of court proceedings before the conclusion of a case. The scope of “information relating to national security” in section 6 is exceedingly broad, and any person who discloses exempt information can face three to five years in prison.

The Political Parties (Amendment) Act, 2019 regulates political activities and political parties in Tanzania. The Registrar of Political Parties, which regulates the civic education of political parties, has broad leeway to reject the application of any CSO that seeks to provide political and civic education to political parties, as stipulated in section 5(2). The amendments also include severe penalties for administrative offences and section 5B authorizes the Registrar to request information from political parties, and the failure to honor requests from the Registrar is a criminal offence. Furthermore, the penalties envisioned are disproportionate. For instance, failing to provide any information can result in fines of millions of shillings for both individuals and institutions, or even jail terms. In some cases, parties can be suspended indefinitely or deregistered for these administrative offences.

Another law that has negative implications on media freedom and freedom of expression is the Electronic and Postal Communications (Online Content) Regulations, 2018, which have been used to impose  hefty fines, stern warnings, and even the banning of some media houses against what was considered as unacceptable content contrary to the law regulating online content or non-registration or licenses. The Regulations, which were enacted by the Minister of Information under the Electronic and Postal Communications Act 2010, came into effect in April 2018. They allow the government to arbitrarily regulate and ban online content produced by bloggers, citizen journalists, forum administrators, and social media users, as well as content on websites, online television, and radio stations. The Regulations apply to everyone in Tanzania, as well as to Tanzanian citizens living abroad. The Tanzania Communications Regulatory Authority (TCRA) regulates online content and has sweeping powers to remove it. It is also tasked with keeping a register of bloggers, online forums, and online radio and television stations, and can impose significant fines for violations.

The Regulations require all online blogs and forums to register with the TCRA, and registration and licensing are mandatory for any blogging or citizen journalism activity. The initial annual licensing fee  was 2,000,000 Tanzanian Shillings ($850), a prohibitively high amount that is equivalent to roughly one-third of the average annual per capita income in Tanzania. However due tot the recent reforms , the annual fees has been reduced to 250 usd.  In addition to restricting fundamental freedoms, the law creates a climate of fear for journalists, human rights activists, opposition parties, anyone critical of the government, and social media influencers.

The Electronic and Postal Communications (Online Content) (Amendment) Regulations, 2022 (Amended Online Content Regulations) amended the Electronic and Postal Communications (Online Content) Regulations, 2020, which were published on July 17, 2020 (2020 Online Content Regulations), which both collectively are referred to as the Online Content Regulations. These amendments include:

• A requirement for online media service providers to obtain a license from the Authority, and removal of the reference to online content services;
• An exemption for mainstream media licensees from obtaining online media services licenses for simulcasting or re-publication of content through the internet;
• The prescribed application form and fees to obtain an online media service license;
• Removal of the obligation for licensees to establish a policy or guidelines on making online content safe use and making the same available to online content users;
• A repeal of the prohibition on mainstream content service providers with district or regional licenses from simulcasting content using online platforms;
• Removal of the onerous obligations that were placed on internet café operators.
• A reduction of the online media services license fees provided under the Second Schedule of the 2020 Online Content Regulations;
• A detailed list of prohibited content, as per the Third Schedule to the 2020 Online Content Regulations.

Lastly, according to the Guidelines for Local and International Observers and Monitors in Tanzania, all accredited election monitors and observers by the National Electoral Commission are not allowed to give public opinion or criticism throughout the lifetime of the election observation permit. Due to that requirement, civil society found their hands tied in providing their opinions on and criticizing all election irregularities during the 2024 local government elections. The same situation affects all CSOs with INEC accreditation to monitor the ongoing process of updated biometry voter registry for the 2025 general government election. The same electoral laws also prohibit election observers to publish any observation report before submitting their report to the electoral commission for review. These laws are restrictive to the work of CSOs during election cycle as the freedom and independence of CSOs to freely monitor the election cycle no longer exists for those CSOs seeking to be accredited as election observers by INEC.

Tanzania’s legal framework theoretically guarantees freedom of expression, association, and assembly. The Tanzanian Constitution provides for fundamental rights and freedoms, including freedom of expression, assembly, and association. Articles 18, 19, and 20 guarantee these rights, subject to limitations prescribed by law. However, in practice, civic space is affected by several repressive laws  such as the Cybercrimes Act, the Media Services Act, the Statistics Act, and the Penal Code. These laws empower authorities to stifle dissent and limit citizens’ ability to freely express themselves, associate with others, and assemble peacefully.

Article 20(1) of the 1977 Constitution of Tanzania provides for freedom of assembly: Every person has a freedom, to freely and peaceably assemble, associate and cooperate with other persons, and for that purpose, express views publicly and to form and join with associations or organizations formed for purposes of preserving or furthering his beliefs or interests or any other interests.

The organization and conduct of assemblies are subject to the rules set forth in the Police Force Act and Auxiliary Service Act, 2002. Article 43 of the Police Force Act requires that anyone organizing an assembly to submit a written notification to the police at least 48 hours in advance of the assembly. The notification must specify the time and place of the assembly; the purpose of the assembly; and “such other particulars as the Minister may … specify.” The Police Force Act authorizes the police to prevent an assembly from taking place if such assembly “breaches the peace or prejudices the public safety or the maintenance of peace and order.” (Article 44) The Police Force also defines an “unlawful assembly” to be “[a]ny assembly or procession in which three or more persons attending or taking part neglect to obey any order for dispersal” when given under the law. (Article 44). In practice, police and security forces have sometimes used excessive force to disperse peaceful protestors.

The Public Order Act (CAP  385 R.E 2002) regulates public gatherings and assemblies in Tanzania. While it provides for the right to peaceful assembly, it also imposes restrictions and  requires organizers to obtain permits from authorities. The requirement for permits has been used to suppress legitimate gathering in Tanzania.

Penal Code (CAP 16 R.E 2022) includes provisions that criminalize defamation, sedition, and publication of false information. These provisions have been used to target journalists, activists, and political opponents critical of the government, stifling dissent, and free speech.

The Prevention of Terrorism Act criminalizes acts of terrorism and provides for measures to combat terrorism in Tanzania. While the Act aims to enhance national security, it has been criticized for its potential to be used against political dissenters and activists.

An analysis of Tanzanian legal framework indicates that Tanzanian laws nominally guarantee freedoms of expression, association, and assembly whilst restricting these fundamental freedoms in practice. For example, on January 3, 2023, President Samia Suluhu Hassan stated at a meeting with political party leaders that the longstanding ban on political rallies would be lifted, which the opposition had been demanding, to create a level playing field ahead of civic elections for 2025 and local elections in 2024. The President directed the police and other security forces to allow parties to hold rallies without undue hassle. “The government’s responsibility is to provide sufficient space for such rallies to be held peacefully regardless of the party’s political affiliation and not to try and obstruct them as political rallies are constitutionally legal,” said President Samia.

Despite this positive example and the political will of President Samia, there have been instances where political assemblies have been denied. For instance, Tundu Antipas Lissu, a prominent opposition figure and lawyer and the chairperson of Tanzania’s main opposition party, CHADEMA, was arrested after holding political rallies in Ngorongoro in August 2024. Lissu defied warnings not to hold a meeting in Ngorongoro and openly criticized the government for evicting Maasai from Ngorongoro and a controversial Dubai Port Deal. Lissu was arrested on April 25, 2025 following a public rally in Mbinga, Ruvuma region, where he advocated for electoral reforms. One dat later, the Vice Chair of CHADEMA and other leaders were also denied the rights to conduct assemblies and rallies. The CHADEMA leaders under leadership of Lisu were  using these  rallies to publicize  a nationwide campaign under the slogan “No Reforms, No Election” and demanding changes to the electoral process ahead of the general elections scheduled for October 2025 .

In addition, the opposition party in Tanzania, CHADEMA, planned to conduct a peaceful demonstration on September 23, 2024 in Dar es Salaam for the purpose of demanding the release of their abducted colleagues and for the perpetrators to be brought to justice. The Tanzania Police Force prohibited the peaceful demonstrations and some of the CHADEMA leaders and followers who attempted to protest were arrested. Five journalists who were covering the arrests in the street were also arrested by the police because they had no press cards or jackets identifying them as journalists.

Overall, while Tanzania’s constitution provides for freedom of assembly and presidential pronouncements promise fundamental freedoms, the reality on the ground has often been characterized by restrictions, intimidation, and harassment of those seeking to exercise this right.

Tanzania Shuts Down Church after Pastor’s Human Rights Criticism (July 2025)
Tanzania’s government has shut down a prominent church after its founder and pastor, a ruling party lawmaker, denounced ongoing human rights violations in a sermon. The move came less than a day after the sermon and has sparked widespread concern about religious freedom and political dissent ahead of the country’s October elections. The Glory of Christ Tanzania Church, founded by Bishop Josephat Gwajima, was officially deregistered by the Registrar of Societies on June 2, one day after Gwajima publicly condemned a rise in abductions and enforced disappearances and launched a seven-day prayer campaign for justice and peace during a Sunday sermon.

High Court Clarifies Chadema Ban (July 2025)
The High Court Registrar’s office clarified the terms of the ban on Chadema was upon certain top leaders but it is essentially paralyzing Chadema operations nationwide. Chadema is challenging this order through review.

Chadema’s Lema Needs ‘Extra Checking’ (June 2025)
Tanzania’s Immigration Department said the measures taken against opposition politician Godbless Lema were “normal procedures used in the case of any Tanzanian citizen whenever we receive information that needs extra checking.” Department spokesperson Paul Mselle said that Lema’s passport had been seized and he was required to report to Immigration headquarters in Dodoma “for further questioning.” Lema, a former Arusha Urban MP, was blocked from travelling to Kenya in what appeared to be part of an ongoing government strategy to diminish the party’s influence abroad ahead of a general election later this year.

Court of Appeal Quashes Restrictions on Public Interest Litigation (June 2025)
In a historic decision, the Court of Appeals struck down sections of the Basic Rights and Duties Enforcement Act that had previously barred individuals from filing public interest cases unless they could prove personal harm. The justices ruled that the restrictions stripped the public of their role as constitutional watchdogs.

Opposition Leader Arrested at Airport (May 2025)
Tanzania detained a senior member of the country’s main opposition while he was trying to fly to Belgium for a democracy conference, the CHADEMA party said. Amani Golugwa, CHADEMA’s Deputy Secretary General, was detained at the Julius Nyerere International Airport late on Monday evening. Golugwa has since been released on bail, his party said on X. Golugwa was due to travel to Brussels to represent CHADEMA at the International Democracy Union conference (IDU), a gathering of center-right political parties.

Abducted Activist ‘Dumped’ at Ugandan Border (May 2025)
A Ugandan human rights activist, arrested in Tanzania after travelling to the country to support an opposition politician at a trial for treason, has been tortured and dumped at the border. Ugandan rights group Agora Discourse said that activist and journalist Agather Atuhaire had been “abandoned at the border by Tanzanian authorities” and showed signs of torture.

Tanzania Bars Main Opposition Party from Upcoming Elections (April 2025)
The main opposition party in Tanzania has been barred from the forthcoming general elections after it declined to endorse an electoral code of conduct. The East African country has increasingly restricted its opposition as the general election approaches in October 2025. Chadema leader Tundu Lissu, who was detained and charged with treason earlier this week, has previously stated that his party would not participate in the elections without electoral reform.

Tanzanians in Diaspora Seek Improved Civic Space to Contribute to Democratisation at Home (June 2024)
Perhaps no restriction bothers Tanzania’s diaspora more than their inability to vote in elections, a restriction they’ve been urging authorities to remove so they can participate in democratic processes that determine their country’s future. Several countries worldwide, including Kenya, the Democratic Republic of Congo, and South Africa, allow their citizens to vote wherever they are.

Tanzanian rapper Ney wa Mitego targets Kenyan struggles in viral hit (February 2024)
Tanzanian rapper Emmanuel Elibariki, popularly known as Ney wa Mitego, has released a provocative song addressing the challenges faced by Kenyans in their country. This isn’t Ney wa Mitego’s first foray into controversy. In July 2023, his song ‘Amkeni’ led to a ban by Tanzania’s National Art Council, BASATA, due to its criticism of President Samia Suluhu’s administration.

Civic Groups alarmed over Tanzania’s crackdown on EACOP dissenters (February 2024)
On March 11th, 2024, nine project-affected people (PAPs) from Golimba and Diloda villages in Hanang District, Tanzania, were split up and interrogated by police for several hours. This included being asked why they are resisting and/or are opposed to the EACOP project, who is supporting them, and whether they know and/or are working with specific Tanzanian civil society actors who have been working to shed light on the environmental harm and human rights violations associated with the EACOP project. Inclusive Development International and other global human rights organizations are urging the Tanzanian government, international human rights organizations, as well as the leading companies involved in EACOP, TotalEnergies and CNOOC, to take action to uphold the rights of PAPs and activists.

Tanzania’s elections are vulnerable to state abuse (February 2024)
Tanzania’s electoral law reform is overdue for an overhaul. This was made most apparent by the 2019 local elections and the 2020 general elections. The results were big wins for the ruling party, Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM). These margins of victory were contested. The United Nations, research think-tanks and various media noted these elections as the most unfree and unfair since the return of the multiparty system in 1992.

Tanzanian civil society validates a human rights defenders policy (November 2023)
On October 19, the Tanzanian Human Rights Defenders Coalition organized a one day event with defenders from all around the country to reflect on the 25th anniversary of the UN Declaration on human rights defenders and validate the civil society led draft on the promotion and protection of the rights of defenders in Tanzania. Discussing and reflecting on the advancement in Africa since the adoption of the UN Declaration on human rights defenders (‘the Declaration’), speakers highlighted the numerous legislative progress in some countries and the increase in legislative restrictions in others.

How Tanzania SDGs platform led to the national Civil Society Organisations VNR consultations (June 2023)
For the second time in July this year, Tanzania will submit its second Voluntary National Review (VNR) 2023 report highlighting the progress of Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) at the High Level Political Forum.

CSOs push for SADC national committee formation (May 2023)
The government has been asked to accelerate the process of forming the national committee for the Southern African Development Community (SADC) for the sake of enabling Tanzanians benefit fully from all economic potentials available in the bloc. Members of Civil Societies Organisations (CSO’s) made the request on Tuesday during their meeting with the Parliamentary committee on Foreign Affairs, Defence and Security.

NGOs deregistration worry activists (May 2023)
As the Registrar of Non Governmental Organisations (NGOs) deregistered nearly 5000 institutions, human rights activists have called for thorough research to find out why they fail to conform to registration conditions. The call comes barely 10 days after the NGOs Registrar issued a 14-day ultimatum to about 3,000 entities to show cause why legal measures should not be taken against them for breaching the law while nearly 5000 of them were deregistered in January.

Tanzania’s Data Protection Law comes into effect (May 2023)
The Personal Data Protection Act in Tanzania came into effect on May 1, 2023, five months after it was passed in parliament.

Stakeholders Want Nyalali Recommendations on Multipartyism Adopted (April 2023)
The ongoing democratic drive in Tanzania has brought Nyalali recommendations on political pluralism back into the mainstream, with stakeholders demanding the government adopt them wholly as part of national efforts to nurture competitive politics in the country. The call has intensified since it was given prominence at the national dialogue on 30 years of democratic experiment jointly organised by the Centre for Strategic Litigation (CSL) and the Legal and Human Rights Centre (LHRC) between March 30 and March 31, 2023, in Dar es Salaam. Bringing Tanzanians from different walks of life, the two-day event served as a tool to reclaim the space for civic participation in a process previously dominated by the political class. Participants of the dialogue agreed that shirking Nyalali’s recommendations on multipartyism will serve the country no good purpose.

Vested interests behind Tanzania law change push (February 2021)