* Category includes ratification, accession, or succession to the treaty

The Lebanese Constitution was adopted in 1926 and became the foundation for the Lebanese Republic when the country gained its independence in 1943. It was most recently amended in 1989 in an effort to end Lebanon’s 15-year civil war. Article 13 of the Constitution provides: “The freedom to express one’s opinion orally or in writing, the freedom of the press, the freedom of assembly, and the freedom of association shall be guaranteed within the limits established by law.”

Relevant national legislation includes the following:

• 1. Ottoman Law on Associations of 1909 [English] [عربي]
• 2. Ottoman Law on Cooperative Societies of 1909
• 3. Ministry of Interior and Municipalities Circular 10/AM/2006 of 2006 [English] [عربي]
• 4. Legislative Decree No. 87 on Public Utility Organizations of 1977

Draft Media Law

In 2023, the Lebanese Parliament’s Administration and Justice Committee was reportedly conducting discussions on a draft Media Law, which, if approved by the Parliament’s General Assembly, would have curtailed freedom of expression and press freedom in Lebanon. The most recent amendments to the draft Media Law limit media outlets from publishing materials about complainants during ongoing judicial proceedings and impose burdensome reporting and licensing requirements on media organizations, among other restrictions. On September 16, 2025, more than 10 Lebanese and international rights organizations called on legislators to ensure protection for the freedom of expression.

If you are aware of other pending legal or regulatory initiatives, write to ICNL at ngomonitor@icnl.org.

Under Lebanon’s 1909 Law on Associations, an association is defined as a group of two or more individuals who join together on a permanent basis to pursue a shared objective, provided that the purpose does not involve the distribution of profit.

Lebanese associations can obtain a public benefit designation, which enables them to access public funding, compete for government contracts, and receive certain tax benefits. However, this status must be granted through an act of Parliament. In practice, no associations have received public benefit status in recent years due to the absence of a formal granting procedure.

Under the 1909 Law on Associations, forming an association does not require prior government approval; instead, the government must be notified when an association is established (Article 2). The notification process requires submitting the association’s address, objectives, two copies of its bylaws, and the identification cards of its founders to the Ministry of Interior and Municipalities (Article 6).

For many years, Lebanese authorities misapplied the Law on Associations by taking months—and in some extreme cases, years—to issue a receipt of notification. Without this receipt, associations are unable to perform essential activities, such as opening bank accounts or accessing international funding. Delays in issuing the notification receipt therefore have a direct and detrimental impact on an association’s operations.

In 2006, the government issued a Ministerial Circular aimed at improving implementation of the Law, most notably by requiring that notification receipts be issued within 30 days. Nonetheless, the Ministry does not always meet this deadline, and associations may still experience delays of several months or longer.

Under Article 6 of the Law on Associations, “secret” or undeclared associations are prohibited and subject to dissolution by government authorities. However, no associations are known to have been dissolved on these grounds since at least 2006.

In 2025, Lebanon was host to an estimated 1.4 million Syrian refugees. The large number of refugees has placed significant pressure on Lebanon’s resources and challenged CSOs’ ability to fulfill their roles effectively. In response, the government has sought to regulate and coordinate the response to the Syrian crisis, resulting in tighter restrictions on certain CSO activities, particularly economic support programs.

Lebanese law does not impose restrictions on association’s access to domestic or foreign resources. However, in the absence of a public fund or dedicated government budget support, CSOs’ funding options remain limited. This scarcity can make them reliant on private donors and, in some cases, vulnerable to being co-opted for political or sectarian purposes.

Article 13 of the Constitution guarantees the freedom to express one’s opinion orally or in writing, as well as freedom of the press, Associations and activists are generally free to engage in advocacy on public policy issues. However, the government has at time used provisions on defamation, libel, insult, and incitement to strife, among others, to silence opposition voices or calls for change. Examples of such actions include:

• In March 2021, activist Ragheb al-Shoufi was summoned by Lebanon’s Cybercrime Bureau for Facebook posts critical of the government.
• In May 2021, Rami Ollaik, a lawyer and founder of the Anti-Corruption Alliance, was forcibly arrested by security agents for insulting a judge on social media.
• In June 2021, British journalist Matt Kynaston and German freelance journalist Stella Männer were detained by Hezbollah militants while reporting on Lebanon’s fuel crisis. They were later handed over to Lebanese authorities and released.
• In March 2023, Jean Kassir, co-founder of the independent media outlet Megaphone, was detained by two security officers in connection with a social media post entitled, “Lebanon ruled by fugitives from justice,” which suggested that some public officials had been charged in the Beirut port explosion case.
• Shortly after Kassir’s detention, the Cybercrimes Bureau summoned journalist Lara Bitar, editor-in-chief of the Public Source website, for interrogation following a complaint from the Lebanese Forces political party regarding an article she published on toxic waste.

These cases highlight the increasingly restrictive environment for freedom of expression in Lebanon.

Article 13 of Lebanon’s Constitution provides that “the freedom of assembly…shall be guaranteed within the limits established by law.” The primary law governing public assembly is the Ottoman-era Public Assemblies Lawof 1911, amended in 1931 and 1932. Additional guidance comes from subsequent government directives, such as Ministry of Interior Decree 4082 of 2000, as well as relevant provisions in the Lebanese Penal Code. In practice, the government generally allows peaceful assemblies to proceed with few legal restrictions.

Vague Provisions
Article 3 of the Public Assemblies Law allows the government to prevent a public assembly that might disturb public security, order, or morality, or contravene the “regular and normal course of public interests.” The broad and ambiguous language, particularly regarding public interests, grants the government substantial discretion to prohibit assemblies. In recent years, several assemblies have been banned on the grounds that they posed a threat to public security.

Advance Notification
The Public Assemblies Law does not require prior authorization for an assembly. Article 1 explicitly states that no permit is needed. However, assemblies are subject to a notification process. Article 2 requires organizers to submit a “statement paper” to the Ministry of Interior (for Beirut) or the local administrative authority (outside of Beirut) at least 48 hours before the event (Article 4). The statement must include the time and location of the assembly, its purpose, and the names and signatures of at least two participants residing in the assembly area.

While Lebanese law does not explicitly recognize spontaneous assemblies, in practice the government generally protects and facilitates such gatherings as long as they are peaceful and participants are unarmed.

Time, Place, Manner Restrictions
The Public Assemblies Lawimposes certain restrictions on the location and timing of assemblies. Assemblies may not be held on public roads intended for traffic or pedestrian crossing, or within three kilometers of the presidential palace or parliament. Open-space assemblies may only occur between sunrise and sunset. These broad restrictions unduly limit individuals’ ability to peacefully assemble according to international standards.

Criminal Penalties
Under the Law on Public Assemblies, organizers of illegal assemblies may face prison sentences of six months to three years, fines, or both. The Penal Code also criminalizes “riot demonstrations and assemblies,” defined as rallies or parades on public roads or venues, composed of:

• At least three persons, with at least one armed and intending to commit a felony or misdemeanor;
• At least seven persons demonstrating against a decision or action by a public authority; or
• More than 20 persons suspected of disturbing the public peace.

The Penal Code also criminalizes the act of inciting a riot assembly, with penalties of one month to one year in prison, a fine, or both.

In 2023, the Minister of Interior, Judge Bassam Al Mawlawi, issued two administrative decisions prohibiting LGBTQI gatherings, saying they conflict with Lebanese customs, norms, and traditions. These legal developments are viewed as setbacks to the right to assemble, particularly for individuals seeking to express their sexual orientation and gender identity.

Use of Excessive Force

Security forces have sometimes used force to disperse crowds. For example, when widespread anti-government protests in Beirut in September and October 2015 turned violent, security officials employed what many considered to be excessive force, and several dozen protesters were detained and charged with assault and vandalism under the Penal Code.

Rights groups urge Lebanon to protect free speech in proposed media law (September 2025)
As Lebanon’s Parliament approaches a crucial juncture in drafting a new media law, 14 Lebanese and international rights organizations, including Human Rights Watch, called on legislators to ensure it protects freedom of expression. While the law initially offered opportunities to strengthen protections for journalists and media outlets, recent proposed amendments risk undermining these rights.

Lebanon’s strong civil society model should be preserved (April 2025)
It is not ideal, but the Lebanese have long had no choice but to learn how to manage with a weak, absent, hijacked or paralyzed state, especially since the civil war. They have done so through civil society, communal and nongovernmental bodies, and the private sector. It has worked for them because it builds on existing traditions and age-old associations. While it is crucial to restore a functioning state, it is even more urgent to rescue society’s homegrown institutions. It is not a zero-sum game between the state and civil society — they have learned to work together.

Lebanese citizens mobilize to fill the vacuum left by an absent state (October 2024)
For years, Lebanese citizens have become accustomed to the state being a poor contact point. Now, the Israeli offensive, which has displaced 20% of the population due to the invasion of the increasingly devastated south of the country, with two other areas under daily attacks, is creating a significant impact on the battered national coffers. Faced with the impotence of the authorities ― Ma fi dawla (there is no state) is a common phrase in Lebanon ― civil society groups, volunteers, political parties, and even prominent citizens have been hastily filling the gaps, such as the young people who distribute thousands of meals to the displaced, or the Palestinian who began to build a medical center because he was under no illusions about what was on the horizon.

Makram Rabah and Lebanon’s endangered freedom of expression (March 2024)
Lebanon’s reputation as a beacon of freedom of expression in the Arab world has suffered greatly in recent years. The case of Makram Rabah, an assistant professor at the American University of Beirut (AUB) who was briefly detained by the General Security Directorate, has accelerated fears of an apparently ongoing decline in this fundamental freedom in the country.

Attack on Freedoms Targets LGBTI People (October 2023)
Lebanese authorities are systematically attacking the fundamental human rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) people, the Coalition to Defend Freedom of Expression in Lebanon, comprised of fifteen Lebanese and international organizations, said. In August 2023, two Lebanese officials introduced separate bills that would explicitly criminalize same-sex relations between consenting adults and punish anyone who “promotes homosexuality” with up to three years’ in prison.

Investigate Assault on Freedom March Protesters (October 2023)
The Lebanese authorities must urgently investigate the violent premeditated assault during a freedom march on 30 September organized by more than 24 civil society organizations to protest the recent crackdown on personal and political freedoms in Lebanon, Amnesty International said. The investigation must also include security forces’ abject failure to protect protesters from the attack.

Hayat Mirshad Summoned for Interrogation… A Battle of Snatching Freedoms and Believing Survivors (May 2023)
In a new attempt to suppress journalists and activists and silence them, The Cybercrime and Intellectual Property Protection Bureau subpoenaed Editor in Chief of “Sharika wa Laken” and the Executive Director of FEMALE Organization, journalist and feminist activist, Hayat Mirshad, to appear before the Bureau next Thursday, on June 1.

Lebanon: Court decision is a blow to freedom of expression and independence of lawyers (May 2023)
As part of the Coalition to Defend Freedom of Expression in Lebanon, MENA Rights Group condemned the Beirut Bar Association’s amendment of the code of ethics, which will now require lawyers to obtain prior permission from the President of the BBA before engaging in any public or media appearances or discussing legal issues on social media, and bans lawyers from criticising the President of the BBA and its council members.

Lebanon’s police fire tear gas as protesters try to storm govt headquarters (March 2023)
Lebanese security forces fired tear gas to disperse hundreds of protesters, mainly retired soldiers, who tried to break through the fence leading to the government headquarters in downtown Beirut. The violence came amid widespread anger over the harsh economic conditions in the country, where mismanagement by the ruling class has been rampant for years, preceding the economic meltdown that started in late 2019. The retired soldiers and policemen demanding better pay clashed with riot police and troops.

Lebanon: No accountability for security forces’ crackdown on protesters since 2019 – report (March 2023)
No law enforcement officials have been prosecuted in Lebanon for their unlawful and excessive use of force against protesters during anti-government protests since 2019, Amnesty International said today as it publishes a new report with the Omega Research Foundation.

Lebanon: Unlawful Crackdown on LGBTI Gatherings Immediately Annul Ban on Assembly; Protect LGBTI People from Attacks (July 2022)

Journalists detained by Hezbollah released to Lebanese authorities (June 2021)

Actress Shaden Esperanza summoned by Anti Cyber Crimes Bureau (May 2021)

Hezbollah threatens journalist Mariam Seifeddine and her family (May 2021)

Lokman Slim: Prominent Hezbollah critic shot dead in Lebanon (February 2021)

Military prosecutor brings terrorism charges against Tripoli protesters (February 2021)

Clashes over lockdowns, inequality escalate in Lebanon’s Tripoli after protester’s death (January 2021)

Judge acquits 14 activists accused of vandalism during 2015 protests (December 2020)

Cash-strapped Lebanon plans to charge for WhatsApp calls (October 2019)

Security Forces Use Excessive Force Against Protesters (October 2019)

Lebanon Protests Unite Sects in Demanding New Government (October 2019)

Lebanon is experiencing a social revolution (October 2019)

‘Change the system’: Lebanese protesters tell the government (October 2019)

Lebanon Scraps WhatsApp Tax as Protests Rage (October 2019)

Byblos Festival Drops Mashrou’ Leila (July 2019)

Beirut Municipality Postpones Waste Incinerator Decision Amid Protest (June 2019)

Palestinian refugees protest Lebanese government crackdown on unlicensed workers (July 2019)

Anti-Cybercrime Bureau interrogates Bisri Dam activists (July 2019)

Security Forces Try to Close LGBT Conference (September 2018)

The Establishment of Lebanon’s Judges Club (April 2018)

Lebanon’s civil society challenges traditional parties in upcoming vote (March 2018)

Human Rights Watch: Lebanon – Time for Action on Rights Abuses (January 2017)

Beirut protest turns violent, politicians postpone talks (April 2015)

Lebanese NGO awarded fifth place in Global Intercultural Innovation Award 2014 (October 2014)

Palestinian refugees in Lebanon protest against UNRWA (September 2013)

Employees at the Casino of Lebanon protest (November 2012)

Security Forces harass protestors sexually (October 2012)

Students protest against increased tuition fees (October 2012)

Protestors are beaten and insulted (September 2012)

Lebanon’s civil society predates the country’s independence in 1943. Initially, it contributed to the establishment of education and academic institutions and, over time, has played a significant role in shaping public opinion. The number of SOs) has grown steadily, with many focusing on areas that lack adequate government support, including social services, human rights, anti-corruption efforts, and the promotion of justice and the rule of law.

In recent years, civil society has been instrumental in organizing movements and protests against the government’s poor performance, lack of services, and limited accountability. CSOs also played a critical role in the response to the 2020 Beirut Port explosion, providing emergency relief, humanitarian assistance, and long-term support to help communities cope with the compounded crises of the explosion, financial collapse, and the COVID-19 pandemic.

Since 2020, Lebanon has faced a collapsing economy and severe shortages of fuel, medicines, and medical supplies in hospitals. Citizens often spend long hours waiting in lines to fill gas tanks or to find scarce medicines. With more than half of the population living below the poverty line, many people are unable—or too exhausted—to express opposition to government policies, limiting civic engagement and participation.