* Category includes ratification, accession, or succession to the treaty

Palestine’s temporary Constitution, the Basic Law, was passed by the Palestinian Legislative Council in 1997 and ratified by President Yasser Arafat in 2002. It was amended in 2003 and in 2005. Freedom of association is guaranteed by Article 26(2), which states that all Palestinians have the right, both individually and in groups, “to form and establish unions, associations, societies, clubs and popular institutions in accordance with the law.”

Relevant national legislation includes the following:

• The Law on Charitable Associations and Community Foundations (Law 1 of 2000) [English] [عربي]
• Implementing Regulations for Law 1 of 2000 (Council of Ministers Decision 9 of 2003) [عربي]
• Decree-Law No. 6 of 2011 amending Law No. 1 of 2000 on Charitable Associations and Community Organizations [عربي]
• Basic Law of the Palestinian National Authority [عربي]
• Law on Public Assemblies (Law No. 12 of 1998)
• Decision of the Minister of Interior No. 1 of 2000 issuing the Executive Regulation of Law No. 12 of 1998 on Public Assemblies [عربي]
• Regulation on Non-Profit Companies (Regulation 20 of 2022) [عربي]
• Regulation No. 14 of 2025 amending Regulation No. 20 of 2022 on Non-Profit Companies [عربي]
• Decree-Law No. 9 of 2021 regarding the postponement of the elections of trade unions and financial unions
• Decree-Law No. 7 of 2021 amending Law No. 1 of 2000 regarding charitable associations and civil society organizations and its amendments [عربي]
• Decree-Law No. 18 of 2021 suspending enforcement of Decree-Law No. 7 [عربي]
• Regulation No. 26 of 2022 on the Collection of Donations for Social and Charitable Purposes [عربي]
• Decree-Law No. 10 of 2018 on Cybercrimes [عربي]
• Decree-Law No. 28 of 2020 Amending Decree-Law No. 10 of 2018 on Cybercrimes [عربي]
• Decree-Law No. 38 of 2021 Amending Decree-Law No. 10 of 2018 on Cybercrimes and its Amendments [عربي]
• Decree-Law No. 39 of 2022 on Combating Money Laundering and Financing Terrorism [عربي]
• Regulation No. 1 of 2023 specifying the supervising authorities on financial institutions, designated non-financial business professions, and non-profit organizations for the purposes of combating money laundering and terrorism financing [عربي]

Possible Revisions to Legal Framework for CSOs

The government has periodically sought to revise the legal framework for CSOs through amendments to the Law on Charitable Associations and Community Foundations (Law I of 2000), ministerial directives, and other regulations and policies. Most recently, a 2021 decree introduced several restrictive measures but was suspended after robust pushback from CSOs. The government has indicated that it plans to issue a new decree covering the same matters after consulting with “relevant entities,” although no specific timeline has been set.

Palestinian law refers to both “charitable organizations” and “community foundations,” but only formally defines the legal form of “associations.” Under Law No. 1 of 2000, an association is any institution with “independent legal personality, established upon an agreement concluded among no less than seven persons to achieve legitimate objectives of public concern, without aiming at attaining financial profits to be shared among the members or achieving any personal benefits.”

Law No. 1 of 2000 does not define a specific public benefit status. However, all registered associations are exempt from taxes and customs duties.

The legal framework in Palestine offers limited protection for public participation. Although certain laws and decrees include provisions safeguarding the rights of marginalized groups, their implementation remains inadequate. For example, the Palestinian Authority has prevented civil society activists with disabilities from holding sit-ins in front of the Ministry of Health to demand their legally guaranteed right to free health insurance. In addition, the ongoing territorial, legal, and political fragmentation across Palestine continues to hinder the ability of marginalized groups and civil society activists to participate meaningfully in public policy and service delivery.

Registration is mandatory for associations operating in Palestine. According to Law No. 1 of 2000, to register, applicants must submit an application form provided by the Ministry of Interior along with three copies of the association’s bylaws.

However, the Ministry of Interior has repeatedly modified registration requirements. As of 2015, applicants must submit:

• Three copies of the registration form and bylaws
• Copies of the founders’ ID cards (or other proof of nationality)
• Revenue stamps valued at JOD 20 (USD 28 as of September 2025)
• Written authorization allowing three founders to follow up on registration procedures and sign on behalf of the organization
• A letter certifying that the founders’ signatures are authentic, prepared by the three authorized founders
• A completed form with information about the founders
• Signatures of all founders (or the three authorized founders) on every page of the bylaws
• Printed copies of all enclosed documents
• A notarized statement from any founder holding an Israeli ID card accepting the jurisdiction of Palestinian courts for legal matters
• Clearance from the Ministry of Finance and Income Tax Department for all founders
• For foreign organizations, narrative and financial guides must be included with the registration application

The law requires the Ministry to issue a decision on an application within two months. If no decision is issued within that period, the association is considered legally registered by default. In practice, however, the Ministry has sometime refused to recognize associations registered by default, obstructing or preventing them from operating altogether. Associations without an issued registration certificate are also unable to open bank accounts to receive funds.

Rejections must be issued in writing and state the reasons for denial, but the law does not specify permissible grounds for rejection. Reports indicate that the Ministry has, at times, rejected applications on the basis that “other registered associations provide the same services.”

Additional administrative decrees have further complicated registration. The Euro-Mediterranean Human Rights Network noted that Presidential Decree 16 of 2007, Council of Ministers Resolution 8 of 2007, and Ministry of Interior Decision 20 of 2007 collectively expand ministerial oversight and require security agency involvement in the registration process in ways that may conflict with the NGO law. In Gaza, registered associations are subject to security checks and must provide certificates of good conduct and clean criminal records for all members — a requirement that has reportedly also been applied in the West Bank.

Beginning in late 2024 and expanding through 2025, Israeli authorities introduced new registration and accreditation procedures for international and local NGOs operating in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT). The measures require organizations to provide detailed information on staff, donors, and partners, to submit to security vetting, and to accept broad grounds for denial or revocation of registration. In January 2026, Israel revoked or declined to renew the accreditation of dozens of international NGOs that refused to comply with the new framework, effectively barring them from operating in Gaza and the West Bank. On December 30, 2026, 37 international NGOs received official notification that their registrations would expire on December 31, 2025. This triggered a 60-day period after which international NGOs would be required to cease operations in Gaza and the West Bank, including East Jerusalem

Palestinian law places few formal limitations on the rights of associations. Organizations are legally free to engage in public policy debates, raise funds from foreign and domestic sources, merge or dissolve, and affiliate with foreign or domestic organizations without prior permission. Foreign associations may establish branches in Palestine with approval from both the Ministry of Interior and the Ministry of Planning and International Cooperation.

However, the government has increasingly sought to exert control over civil society through amendments, regulations, ministerial decisions, and informal practices. The Ministry of Interior retains the authority to “scrutinize the activities of an association to ascertain that its funds have been spent for the purposes for which they were allocated,” a provision that can enable inappropriate government interference in CSO activities. Although associations are entitled by law to set up branches within Palestine, authorities in Gaza have reportedly refused to allow organizations registered in the West Bank to operate—and vice versa.

Israeli Restrictions in East Jerusalem

Restrictive Israeli laws and policies pose significant challenges to Palestinian organizations operating in East Jerusalem. Since 1990, access to East Jerusalem has been severely restricted through checkpoints, the separation barrier, and a permit regime for employees who are not Jerusalem residents. These measures have undermined the ability of Palestinian CSOs to support the Palestinian population and protect their rights in the city.

Additional challenges include the closure of bank accounts by Israeli banks, defamation campaigns by Israeli lobby groups, office raids, and confiscation or destruction of equipment and materials. As a result, many Palestinian CSOs have permanently or temporarily closed their Jerusalem offices. Those that remain face isolation, continuous threats of closure by Israeli authorities, limited access to resources, and high financial costs to continue operating.

For example, in February 2025, the Israeli authorities issued a decision closing Al-Luqluq Community Center and Society in the Old City of occupied Jerusalem for six months, which is renewable, without any legal grounds. The Israeli authorities forcibly raided the offices of the association, expelled its staff, and summoned several of its team members.

Administrative Burdens under the Palestinian Authority

CSOs operating in areas under the control of the Palestinian Authority face an expanding set of restrictive legislative and policy measures that increase administrative burdens. These include more complex registration requirements, financial procedures, and obstacles to opening bank accounts and receiving or transferring funds. Civil society actors report that these requirements divert their limited resources away from service delivery and advocacy.

Control Measures in Gaza

In Gaza, the de facto authority Hamas exercises strict oversight of CSOs. Authorities conduct audits, review staff and beneficiary lists, and introduce new permit requirements and restrictions on activities in certain areas of the Strip.

Decree-Law No. 7 of 2021

In 2021, the government issued Decree-Law No. 7, which required CSOs to align their annual work plans with those of relevant government ministries and capped CSOs’ operating expenses and salaries at 25 percent of their annual budgets. Following civil society advocacy, enforcement of Decree-Law No. 7 was suspended.

Barriers to International Contact

Law No. 1 of 2000 imposes no major legal barriers to international contact. The only notable requirement is that foreign associations must obtain approval from the Ministry of the Interior—after consultation with the Ministry of Planning and International Cooperation—before opening branches in Palestine (Article 34).

On September 25, 2022, Regulation No. 20 of 2022 on Non-Profit Companies was published in the Official Gazette. Articles 12 and 13 introduce new restrictions on the funding of non-profit companies. Under these provisions, non-profit companies must obtain prior approval from the Council of Ministers and/or the Minister of National Economy before accepting any gifts, donations, aid, or other forms of funding. The Regulation further provides that such companies may organize activities or undertake income-generating projects only upon receiving approval from the Companies Registrar. Many charitable associations and community organizations have established non-profit companies to carry out economic activities that advance social development and support marginalized groups. The new prior-approval requirement thus creates an additional obstacle for these entities in securing financial support.

Associations other than non-profit companies generally remain free to raise funds from foreign and domestic sources without seeking prior approval or notifying the Ministry of Interior. However, Regulation No. 26 of 2022 on the Collection of Donations for Social and Charitable Purposes has introduced provisions that conflict with Law No. 1 of 2000 on Charitable Associations and Community Organizations by requiring all associations to obtain prior authorization from the General Directorate of Non-Governmental Organizations at the Ministry of Interior (the NGO Directorate) at least 30 days before commencing any donation collection activities. Upon receiving the application, the NGO Directorate reviews the request and issues a decision within two weeks of submission. As part of this process, it examines the association’s administrative and financial reports to ensure that the proposed donation collection aligns with the organization’s stated purposes and objectives. The Directorate also seeks the opinion of the competent ministry within three days of receiving the request. Any approved donations collection campaign may not exceed six months from the date of authorization. An extension may be requested once, for a period not exceeding 30 days.

Moreover, the government maintains significant control over the assets of dissolved organizations. A 2011 amendment to the law grants the Ministry of Interior broad discretion to transfer the funds and assets of a dissolved organization to the public treasury of the Palestinian National Authority. Previously, organizations could specify in their bylaws how their funds and assets should be disposed of upon dissolution. This amendment effectively enables the government to confiscate the resources of dissolved organizations. 

As noted above, in 2021 the government issued Decree-Law No. 7, which—among other restrictions—sought to increase government control over CSO fundraising and the disposition of CSOs’ assets upon dissolution. Enforcement of the decree was suspended following civil society advocacy.

Freedom of expression in Palestine faces sustained and serious challenges. Both Israeli forces and Palestinian authorities have taken actions that restrict media freedom, silence critics, and limit access to information, contributing to a shrinking civic space and widespread self-censorship.

Measures by Palestinian authorities:

• Although Law No. 1 of 2000 does not impose any legal restrictions on CSOs’ speech or advocacy, Palestinian authorities have increasingly curtailed freedom of expression in practice. Since 2019, dozens of Palestinian civil society activists have been arrested or detained for posting opinions critical of the government on social media. In some cases, individuals were arrested for merely “liking” posts deemed critical. In 2025, the Independent Commission for Human Rights, received 356 complaints for arbitrary arrests, including detention without trial or charge, and 79 complaints of torture and ill-treatment during detention by the PA.
• Authorities have also been accused of “weaponizing” the Cybercrime Law and of using broad public order provisions to summon, interrogate, and prosecute individuals for peaceful online expression and blocking media outlets during periods of heightened tension. Journalists have been detained following critical reporting or social media posts, reinforcing a climate of intimidation self-censorship.
• In early 2025, the Palestinian Authority suspended the operations of Al Jazeera and blocked access to its affiliated websites, drawing condemnation from press freedom organizations as the ban was during critical times. The suspension was lifted several months later.

Measures by Israeli authorities:

• Israeli actions have had a profound impact on press freedom, particularly in Gaza. According to the Committee to Protect Journalists, 2025 was the deadliest year on record for journalists globally, with a majority of those killed being Palestinian journalists in Gaza during Israeli military operations. The United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights reported that between 7 October 2023 and late 2025, Israeli operations killed hundreds of journalists in Gaza, severely reducing the number of independent reporters able to document events on the ground. Israeli forces also killed journalists in the West Bank.
• Israeli military also used AI-powered systems, like The Gospel and Lavender, and quadcopter drones to track the activity, target, and kill journalists and civilians in Gaza. Israel also launched online campaigns to discredit journalists and label them as “terrorists” to “justify violence”.
• Reports indicate that some journalists in Gaza received direct threats via messaging applications, mainly WhatsApp, from the Israeli military, warning them to cease reporting or face harm to themselves or their families. Israeli forces have also detained and prosecuted Palestinian journalists in Gaza and the West Bank, frequently holding them under administrative detention without formal charges. In 2025, Israel ranked among the world’s leading jailers of journalists, with all those held reportedly Palestinian.
• Israeli authorities have further restricted media access and coverage. Since October 2023, Israeli authorities have largely barred foreign journalists from entering Gaza, with only limited, controlled access permitted. In the West Bank, security forces have obstructed coverage of military operations, dispersed reporters, and confiscated equipment. The Palestinian Journalists Syndicate has documented dozens of such violations on a recurring monthly basis.
• Israeli authorities have also targeted specific media outlets. In 2024, they raided and shut down the Jerusalem offices of Al Jazeera under newly enacted emergency media regulations and temporarily banned its broadcasts inside Israel, drawing criticism from press freedom groups. In addition, Israeli Minister of National Security Yisrael Katz classified several Palestinian digital media outlets in Jerusalem — including Al-Quds Agency, Al-Bawsala, Quds Press, and Meiraj — as “arms of Hamas,” further constraining their operations.

Together, these measures by Palestinian and Israeli authorities have significantly undermined media freedom, restricted access to information, and contributed to a pervasive climate of fear and repression for journalists and civil society actors.

Advance Notification

Law No.12 of 1998 on Public Assemblies requires prior written notice for gatherings of more than 50 people in public spaces, including squares, courts, and parks (Articles 3 and 4). Notices must be submitted to the governor or police director at least 48 hours in advance and signed by at least three organizers.

Article 1 of the Executive Regulation stipulates that notices must:

• Be in writing and delivered in person to the governor or police director;
• Be submitted at least 48 hours in advance;
• Specify the venue, time, and purpose of the assembly; and
• Define the demonstration’s route and duration.

If no response is received within 48 hours, organizers are legally permitted to hold the assembly on the date specified. Following receipt of a notice, the police director has authority to issue a license, which must include the organizer’s name, the meeting’s subject, venue, duration, assembly point, security conditions, and any other terms. There is no legal right to challenge a police decision denying a license.

Vague Provisions

Both Law No. 12 of 1998 on Public Assemblies and its Executive Regulations contains several vague provisions regarding permissible assemblies. For example, Article 4 of the Executive Regulations requires demonstrations to be “far from areas of tension, and the purpose of the meeting must not contradict with the law or public order.” The terms “areas of tension” and “public order” are open to interpretation and may be used to deny or restrict the right to peaceful assembly. This vagueness also leaves Palestinians uncertain about whether their gatherings may violate the law.

Spontaneous Assemblies and Counter-Demonstrations

The Law on Public Assemblies does not explicitly address spontaneous assemblies or counter-demonstrations. Because of the prior-notification requirement, such assemblies are effectively prohibited and are often suppressed in practice.

Time, Place, and Manner Restrictions

The Law on Public Assemblies does not explicitly impose restrictions on the timing, location, or subject matter of assemblies. However, Article 3 of the Law on Public Assemblies provides the police director with the authority to request a meeting with the assembly organizers to discuss the subject matter, the location, the time, and the duration of the assembly. Also, the above-mentioned vague provisions allow for such restrictions to be imposed.

Police Enforcement

There have been multiple instances of excessive police force against peaceful demonstrations. In July 2025, the Palestinian Security Forces dispersed demonstrations in several cities across the West Bank. The protests expressed outrage over the dire humanitarian situation in Gaza and accused the Palestinian Authority of complicity. Security forces used force and tear gas to break up the gatherings and detained numerous protesters.

Criminal Penalties

The Law on Public Assemblies provides for penalties for violations. Article 6 calls for imprisonment of up to two months or a fine not exceeding JOD 50 (USD 70 as of March 2026). By referencing the Penal Code, the law exposes participants to potentially harsher penalties.

In practice, the Palestinian Authority frequently relies on the provisions of the Palestinian Penal Code of 1936, the Jordanian Criminal Code No. 16 of 1960, and the Presidential Decree on Promoting National Unity and Preventing Incitement to limit peaceful assemblies. These measures, however, were originally intended to address assemblies with criminal intent.

Aid Groups Barred From Gaza, West Bank (February 2026)
Israeli authorities plan to bar 37 international nongovernmental organizations from operating in Gaza and the West Bank on March 1, 2026 for refusing to provide the government with lists of their staff and their biodata as part of new registration requirements, Human Rights Watch said. The organizations say that these requirements violate the humanitarian principles of neutrality and independence.

Condemning the Decision to Close Burj Al-Luqluq Community Centre and Society in Jerusalem (February 2026)
For many years, Burj Al-Luqluq Community Centre and Society has served as a safe space and a community anchor for residents of the Old City. It has provided educational, cultural, and sports services to thousands of children, youth, and women, contributing to strengthening resilience in the face of marginalization and exclusion policies. Its closure does not simply mean shutting the doors of a building or suspending routine activities; it means closing a space of hope for children and young people and depriving hundreds of families of vital and essential services.

Palestine slams US sanctions on rights groups as ‘serious targeting of civil society’ (September 2025)
Palestine has denounced US sanctions on three local human rights organisations, calling them “a serious and unacceptable targeting of Palestinian civil society.” The US sanctioned Al Haq, the Al Mezan Center for Human Rights, and the Palestinian Centre for Human Rights (PCHR) for their role in supporting the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) investigation into Israeli officials over atrocities in Gaza. In a statement, the Palestinian Justice Ministry said the decision “represents a serious and unacceptable targeting of Palestinian civil society and its human rights and humanitarian organizations, which defend human rights under international laws and norms, and document Israeli occupation violations against our people, our land, and our holy sites.”

Protesters chase EU diplomats from Palestinian Museum (April 2024)
Video posted on social media showed Italian consul general Domenico Bellato hurrying away from the Palestinian Museum near the city of Ramallah followed by a crowd of demonstrators. “The student’s movement refused those visitors to come to the museum because of their position on the genocide in Gaza. For that we asked them to leave,” student representative Omar Kayed told AFP. Elsewhere, Palestinian police were forced to prevent protesters from reaching the Canadian representative office in Ramallah in a rally against that country’s positions over the Gaza war.

Hamas claims it is ‘ready’ to hold first elections in Gaza in 18 years (September 2023)
Gaza’s ruling militant group Hamas has said there is a cross-factional agreement to hold elections in the besieged enclave, which would be the first in 18 years. Speaking to local Palestinian outlet Quds News, Hamas spokesman Hazem Qassem said a meeting was held with Palestine’s Central Elections Committee and the armed factions in the Gaza Strip. “There was a consensus that the atmosphere was very positive in the Gaza Strip and the conditions were completely favourable for holding these elections,” Mr Qassem said.

Seven Palestinian NGOs shut down by Israel (August 2022)

Palestinian NGO Network (PNGO) Hosts Civil Society Conference (February 2022)

PNGO condemns Dutch government decision to end funding for UAWC (January 2022)

Civil society organizations conclude training workshop on legal restrictions (December 2021)

Ministry of Finance amends some provisions of the draft VAT law (December 2021)

PNGO Calls on International Community’s Pressure to Stop Violations against Civil Work Institutions (August 2021)

ICHR Announces its Opposition to Amendment of the Law of Charitable Societies and Civil Organizations (April 2021)

The European Union sets new funding terms and Erekat calls for reconsideration (December 2019)

Agreement on Principles between NGOs and AIDA (March 2018)

With Electricity in Short Supply, 10,000 Protest in Gaza, Defying Hamas (January 2017)

A New Model for the Relationship between the National Authority and Civic Institutions (October 2016)

Training session on the right to organize and to form associations (September 2016)

Human Rights Watch: Palestine – Crackdown on Journalists, Activists (August 2016)

Civil Society Organizations Commission holds a consultative meeting on civil work (January 2016)

Emphasizing civil society’s role to stop confiscation of rights organizations (December 2015)

Prime Minister addresses role of civil society sector (October 2015)

Legal committee to discuss special regulations concerning the law on CSOs (August 2014)

Paving the Way for Women’s Inclusion in Palestinian and Israeli Peacebuilding (August 2014)

Palestine Joins the Convention on Cluster Munitions (September 2013)

Palestinian Civil Society: What Went Wrong? (April 2013)

Banking woes for charity suspected of financing Hamas (January 2013)

Newest ‘observer state’ should act on rights treaties (November 2012)

Statement of the Palestinian Council of Human Rights Organizations (PCHRO) on EU Association Council Meeting (July 2012)

Attacks against journalists in Ramallah violate Palestinian law (July 2012)

Australia dismisses Palestinian NGO ‘terror’ claims (May 2012)

Palestinian hunger strikers’ lives in danger (May 2012)

The earliest Palestinian CSOs formed during the British Mandate and focused primarily on grassroots promotion of the nationalist struggle. After 1948, many organizations were established on behalf of women, students, doctors, and others. Many worked alongside the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) to advance the goal of building a Palestinian state. Because the PLO did not constitute a fully sovereign state, Palestinian CSOs were able to operate freely and secure funding from regional and international donors, including wealthier Arab states and the World Bank.

By 1994, with the creation of the Palestinian National Authority (PNA), these organizations had a long history of providing essential social services and were accustomed to operating in an open environment, unlike the restrictive legal frameworks often imposed on CSOs in neighboring countries such as Egypt and Jordan.

Soon after taking power, however, the PNA attempted to assert heavy-handed control over CSOs, straining relations with civil society. When the PNA drafted a CSO law modeled on restrictive Egyptian law, Palestinian CSOs reacted swiftly. Leveraging their long-standing international connections, CSOs persuaded donor states and international agencies, which provided much of the PNA’s funding, to pressure the PNA to adopt a less restrictive law. After a protracted struggle, CSOs achieved what has been described as “a near total victory.” The law, passed in 2000, became one of the most liberal and least restrictive CSO laws in the Middle East for many years.

Unfortunately, the continuing effects of Israeli occupation, combined with the weakening of Palestinian state institutions, have led to uneven and arbitrary enforcement of the CSO law and a broader decline in the rule of law. The political split between Fatah and Hamas following the 2006 parliamentary elections created a de facto separation between the West Bank and Gaza Strip. Arbitrary punitive measures, including the forced dissolution of CSOs and replacement of their boards, were carried out against Hamas-affiliated CSOs in the West Bank and Fatah-affiliated CSOs in Gaza.

Although Hamas and Fatah signed a reconciliation agreement in April 2014 and formed a unified government, the division between the two sides continued to affect Palestinian CSOs adversely. Combined with ongoing restrictions on civil society activities, this has weakened CSOs’ ability to provide essential services, particularly to marginalized groups.

Since 2014, democratic development in Palestine has slowed. National electoral processes have stalled and progress on democratic accountability and oversight remains limited. The country requires renewed efforts to strengthen democratic institutions and enhance opportunities for citizens and civil society actors to participate meaningfully in public decision-making.