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Tanzania

Last updated: September 8, 2025

Recent Developments

The Tanzanian government has implemented a series of travel restrictions targeting prominent members and leaders of the opposition party, CHADEMA, in the lead-up to the October 2025 elections. These actions have raised significant concerns about political repression and shrinking democratic space in Tanzania. Please see the News Items section below in this report for additional details.

While we aim to maintain information that is as current as possible, we realize that situations can rapidly change. If you are aware of any additional information or inaccuracies on this page, please keep us informed; write to ICNL at ngomonitor@icnl.org.

Introduction

The roots of civil society in Tanzania can be traced to the pre-colonial period in Tanganyika in the 1920s. In 1922, for example, the Tanganyika Territory African Civil Servants Association was formed for securing the interests and welfare of indigenous civil servants. In addition, mutual cooperative movements and pastoralist movements were established to focus on land ownership and security. These movements eventually led to the formation of the associations that fought for the country’s independence in 1961. CSOs rose to further prominence in the 1980s after the government began to privatize and downsize the public sector under structural adjustment programs of the IMF and World Bank. These structural adjustment programs sought to strengthen CSOs’ ability to promote accountability and counter corruption.

Although the 1977 Constitution  and the Constitution of Zanzibar of 1984 guarantee basic human rights and freedoms, the legal frameworks in Tanzania and Zanzibar  are  not favorable to  civil society organizations (CSOs) and civic freedoms. Moreover, the laws provide the executive branch with overly broad discretionary powers; consequently, human rights defenders, journalists, politicians,  bloggers, and critics are often subject to criminal charges. These trends have accelerated since 2016 and laws have been adopted speedily and with virtually no meaningful consultation with civil society, the public, and other relevant stakeholders.

Currently, the civil society sector is comprised of non-governmental organizations (NGOs), associations, trustees, trade unions, community-based organizations, faith-based organizations, societies, and professional associations. In Tanzania, CSOs are classified into three entities: NGOs, Trustees, and Societies. These entities are further regulated by different government institutions, departments or ministries under the auspices of different laws.

Civic Freedoms at a Glance

Organizational FormsNon-governmental organizations
Registration BodyOffice of the Registrar of NGOs, within the Ministry of Community Development, Gender, Women and Special Groups
Barriers to Formation• Mandatory registration
• NGO Coordination Board can refuse to register an organization as an NGO under certain circumstances
• NGOs must renew registration every 10 years
• Registration fee ($40 for domestic NGOs, $350 for international NGOs) and annual subscription fees ($20 for domestic NGOs, $30 for international NGOs)
Barriers to Operations• Limited purposes permitted
• NGOs must publish an annual activity report and an annual audited financial report.
• Government has significant powers to monitor NGO activities.
• NGOs are required to obtain operation or project implementation permit/letter of introduction from local government authorities.
Barriers to Resources• An NGO that receives more than 20 million Tanzanian Shillings ($8,500) must publish bi-annually the funds received and the costs incurred in raising such funds.
• All funding contracts must be submitted to the Registrar within 14 days.
Barriers to ExpressionProblematic laws include the Police Force and Auxiliary Service Act, the Cyber Crime Act, the Statistics Act, the Media Services Act, the Access to Information Act, the Political Parties (Amendment) Act, and the Electronic and Postal Communications (Online Content) Regulations.
Barriers to AssemblyThe Police Force Auxiliary Services Act grants the police powers to prevent certain assemblies from taking place and broadly defines an “unlawful assembly.”
ORGANIZATIONAL FORMS

Tanzania’s legal framework provides for a range of organizational forms for CSOs. These include, among others, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), societies, and trusts. Key legislation governing the sector includes the NGO Act, the Societies Act, and the Companies Act—all amended by the Written Laws (Misc. Amendments) Act No. 3 of 2019 (known as the Miscellaneous Amendments Act).

Under the NGO Act, 2002, as amended, an NGO is defined as a voluntary, non-partisan, and non-profit group operating at the local, national, or international level to promote economic, environmental, social or cultural development, good governance, or human rights objectives. The law explicitly excludes certain entities, such as companies, trusts, trade unions, religious groups, political parties, and sports associations, from this definition. Registered NGOs are listed in a public database maintained on the website of the Ministry of Community Development, Gender, Women and Special Groups.

The Societies Act defines a society as a non-partisan and non-political association of ten or more persons established for the professional, social, cultural, religion or economic welfare of its members. Like NGOs, societies exclude companies and trusts and are governed by a separate registration process.

This report focuses predominantly on NGOs.

Zanzibar

In Zanzibar, the main legal instrument governing CSOs is the Societies Act No. 6 of 1995, which regulates the registration and operation of societies. According to the Tanzania Human Rights Defenders Coalition (THRDC) Compendium of Laws governing CSOs in Zanzibar, certain entities—such as political parties, trade unions, public enterprises, firms or partnership, cooperative societies, cultural or athletic groups, and international organizations—are exempt from registration under the Societies Act. Although the Societies Act does not define NGOs, the Zanzibar NGOs Policy loosely defines them as voluntary, non-profit groups or associations established for social, economic, cultural, or environmental development. As an alternative to registering under the Societies Act, non-profits can register as companies limited by guarantee under the Companies Act No. 15 of 2013, subject to the Companies Regulations of 2017.

Despite growing concern over regulatory gaps, a proposed NGO Bill aimed at formalizing governance and oversight in Zanzibar has yet to be enacted. In the meantime, the NGO Registrar, appointed under the Societies Act, continues to oversee NGO operations.

PUBLIC BENEFIT STATUS

NGOs in Tanzania are not automatically exempt from taxes. Under the Income Tax Act, 2004, they must apply to the Commissioner-General of the Tanzania Revenue Authority for recognition as a charitable organization to qualify for tax exemptions.

The Finance Act, 2024 amended the Income Tax Act (Cap. 332), expanding the definition of charitable organizations to include those established to advance health and environmental protection. This change, effective July 1, 2024, aims to support services that address climate change and public health. As revised, Section 64(8)(a) now defines a charitable organization as a resident entity established solely for:

  1. the relief of poverty or distress of the public.
  2. environmental protection;”
  3. the advancement of education or health, or
  4. the provision of public health, education, water or road construction or maintenance.

Zanzibar

In Zanzibar, taxation of CSOs is governed by several laws. However, tax matters fall under Union jurisdiction and are thus overseen by the Tanzania Revenue Authority. Key legislation includes the Tax Administration and Procedures Act No. 7 of 2009, the Income Tax Act of 2019, and the Value Added Tax Act No. 4 of 1998, which subject CSOs to income tax and VAT obligations unless exempted.

Some exemptions are available—for example, under the Excise Duty Act No. 8 of 2017, which grants tax relief for specific imports by international organizations and aid agencies. However, CSOs registered as societies or companies limited by guarantee are generally not covered by these exemptions. As a result, many are still subject to standard excise duties and a 15 percent VAT, applicable to entities with annual taxable turnover above TZS 50 million (approximately USD 21,500).

In 2022, the Zanzibar Revenue Authority (ZRA) was established under the Zanzibar Revenue Authority Act No. 11 of 2022, centralizing tax administration and replacing the former Zanzibar Revenue Board.

PUBLIC PARTICIPATION

Public participation in Tanzania is protected under the Constitution, which provides for the right to vote (Art. 5(1)), the right to freedom of expression (Art. 18), the right to freedom of association (Art. 20), and the freedom to participate in public affairs (Art. 21). Several laws further support these rights:

Regulations under these laws, such as the Elections (Presidential and Parliamentary Elections) Regulations of 2010 and the Local Government (Election of Councilors) Regulations of 2020, also include provisions to facilitate public participation. For environmental matters, Section 46 of the Environmental Management Act No. 20 of 2004 and Regulation 17 of the Environmental Impact Assessment and Audit Regulations GN No. 349 of 2005 specifically mandate public involvement in environmental planning and assessment.

Several laws also aim to protect marginalized groups’ participation rights, such as the HIV and AIDS (Prevention and Control) Act No. 28 of 2008Persons with Disabilities Act No. 9 of 2010, and National Policy on Aging of 2003. However, LGBTQI individuals continue to face significant legal and societal discrimination, and advocacy on LGBTQI issues remains restricted. CSOs supporting these rights risk deregistration, and the government has warned against disseminating LGBTQI-related content online.  

Despite legal guarantees, some laws undermine  participation:

These restrictions disproportionately affect CSOs, journalists, and advocates focused on rule of law, human rights, and democracy issues, as well as those who criticize the government. There have also been cases where the public participation rights of environmental defenders have been restricted.

To some degree, citizens are aware of opportunities for public participation. Information is shared via online publications on different government websites, through public meetings and workshops, and via government gazettes.

Participation is often undermined in practice. The 2024 local government elections, held on November 27, were marred by irregularities. A large number of opposition candidates—mainly from CHADEMA, the main opposition party—were disqualified, leaving opposition parties with only 30,977 candidates for 80,430 posts. The ruling party, on the other hand, contested every seat, raising serious concerns about electoral fairness.

The Political Parties Code of Conduct, established under the Political Parties Act (Cap. 258) and administered by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), promotes political tolerance and ethical conduct. For the October 2025 general elections, all parties were required to sign the revised code by April 12. While most parties complied, CHADEMA refused, citing constitutional concerns and claiming selective enforcement against opposition voices. In response, INEC disqualified CHADEMA from participating in the 2025 elections and any by-elections until 2030.

This move drew legal and political backlash. CHADEMA argued that INEC lacks the authority to disqualify a political party and vowed to challenge the decision through domestic courts and regional human rights mechanisms.

BARRIERS TO FORMATION

Under the NGO Act, all NGOs must register with the Registrar of NGOs, housed within the Ministry of Community Development, Gender, Women and Special Groups (Section 11(1)).

Section 12 outlines the registration process. Applications must be submitted by one or more founding members and include:

  • A copy of the NGO’s constitution;
  • Minutes containing the full names and signature of the founders;
  • Personal details of the office bearer;
  • The address and physical location of the NGO’s head office;
  • The application fee; and
  • Any other information required by the Registrar.

Upon acceptance of the application, the NGO Coordination Board directs the Registrar of NGOs to issue a certificate of registration.

The Board can refuse to register an NGO if:

  1. The NGO’s activities are deemed not in the public interest or violate the law;
  2. The application contains false or misleading information; or
  3. The National Council for NGOs recommends against registration (Sections 25(2)-(3), 27, and 28)).

If the Board denies an application, it must provide a reason for the denial within 21 days. The applicant may request the Board to review the decision. If the Board upholds the rejection, the applicant can then appeal to the Minister of Health, Community Development, Gender, Elderly and Children to evaluate the case. The Minister may either uphold, modify, or overturn the decision, request further review by the Board, or require the Board to request additional information. The Minister’s decision is final.

Registered NGOs must renew their certificate of registration every 10 years. Renewal applications must be submitted six months before the expiry date (Sections 17(3)-(4)).

Registration fees are TZS 100,000 (approximately $43) for domestic NGOs and $500 for international NGOs. Annual subscription fees are TZS 4,000 ($20) for domestic NGOs and TZS 60,000 ($30) for international NGOs.

BARRIERS TO OPERATIONS

The NGO Act, 2002, as amended by the Miscellaneous Amendments Act, limits NGO purposes to promoting economic, environmental, social or cultural development, protecting the environment, good governance, law and order, human rights, and related advocacy. Purposes not included in this definition are not permitted. NGOs are prohibited from engaging in political platforms or conducting activities aimed at influencing or mobilizing citizens in support of political parties.

NGOs must publish two annual reports:

  1. An activity report (shared with the public, National Council for NGOs, NGO Coordination Board, and stakeholders); and
  2. Audited financial report (submitted to the Council and Board, and made public) (Section 29(1)(b)).

Additional financial transparency and reporting obligations under the 2018 NGO Act Regulations include:

  • Disclosure of details about the source, use, purpose, and activities related to funds within 14 days of completing fundraising activities to the public, NGO Registrar, Council. Board, and other stakeholders (NGO Regulations, Regulation 12); and
  • If an NGO receives funds exceeding TZS 20 million, it must submit contracts or agreements entered with donors to the Treasury and Registrar; declare to the Registrar any resources received in cash or in kind before its expenditure; and publish biannual reports of income and expenses in widely circulated media (NGO Regulations, Regulation 13).

International NGOs face additional responsibilities, including: (1) fostering and promoting the capacities of other NGOs, (2) participating in the activities of the Council; and (3) refraining from acts likely to cause competition or misunderstanding among NGOs (NGO Act, Section 31).

The Registrar of NGOs holds broad oversight powers, including:

  • Conduct monitoring and evaluation of NGO activities on a quarterly basis and report to the Board;
  • Investigate any matter as required, through collaboration with law enforcement organs; and
  • Require cooperation from law enforcement and public entities to provide facilities and services deemed necessary to help the Registrar perform its functions (NGO Act, Section 4(A)(2)).

Moreover, the relevant Minister may issue guidelines necessary for monitoring and evaluating the operations of NGOs (Section 4).

A person operating an unregistered NGO is punishable with fines of up to TZS 500,000, imprisonment for up to one year, or both; and disqualification from holding office in any NGO on mainland Tanzania for up to 5 years (Section 35).

The NGO Registrar may suspend the operations of any NGO for legal violations of the NGO Act, pending Board review (NGO Act, Section 4(1)(i)). The Board may cancel or suspend an NGO’s registration if it violates the terms or conditions of registration; has ceased operations; it operates contrary to its constitution; or the Council recommends suspension (NGO Act, Section 20(1)).

CSOs must obtain work or operation permits from the President’s Office and the Ministry of State for Regional Administration and Local Government (TAMISEMI). A report jointly prepared by the National Council of NGOs and Tanzania Human Rights Defenders Coalition (THRDC) found that the permit process delays CSO operations, especially in rural areas. Moreover, there are no written guidelines to guide the process and requirements for permit applications are both demanding and time consuming. Delays have caused CSOs to miss project deadlines or return funds to donors.

While NGOs often collaborate with state bodies, the judiciary has been very selective in such partnerships. Judicial leadership tends to prefer working with international NGOs and UN agencies over local CSOs.

Barriers to International Contact

Tanzanian laws and policies do not restrict NGOs from international contact or formingpartnerships with international entities. The government also does not hinder cross-border travel. However, human rights defenders (HRDs) face informal barriers. For example, HRDs who presented concerns about human rights violations in Tanzania—specifically the Ngorongoro protests in August 2024—at international forums experienced harassment and intimidation. While not codified in law, such incidents deter international advocacy and undermine NGO freedoms in practice.

BARRIERS TO RESOURCES

Under Regulation 13(b) of the NGO (Amendments) Regulations, 2018, NGOs receiving more than TZS 20 million (approximately $8,500) are required to publish biannual reports detailing the funds received and the costs incurred in raising such funds. These reports must be published in widely circulated newspapers and other media accessible to the organization’s beneficiaries. Additionally, all funding agreements must be submitted to the Registrar of NGOs and the National Treasury within 14 days of signing.

Tanzanian law does prohibit NGOs from receiving foreign funding.

A key barrier to resource access is the decline in funding for human rights work. Many international donors have shifted their focus toward private sector development or primarily support international and UN agencies, which cannot directly engage in rights-based advocacy in Tanzania.

BARRIERS TO EXPRESSION

Article 18 of the Tanzanian Constitution guarantees freedom of expression. However, in practice, this right is routinely curtailed through restrictive laws and their implementation.

The Cybercrimes Act, 2015 criminalizes certain online activities, including the publication of false, deceptive, misleading, or inaccurate information. It grants law enforcement broad powers to search and seize electronic equipment. The Act does not require investigating officers to obtain warrants before carrying out activities, such as surveillance or interception of communications, instead stating that “reasonable grounds” are sufficient. Further, key terms, including “offences,” are not clearly defined. The Act also includes a “sedition offence” that carries severe penalties. Violations carry harsh criminal penalties and limited avenues for defense. The government has prosecuted the online activities of independent bloggers, journalists, and citizens under this law.

In particular, Section 16, which criminalizes the publication of false information, is frequently invoked to suppress dissent. For example, on January 9, 2025, Dr. Willibrod Slaa, opposition leader and former General Secretary of CHADEMA, was arrested and denied bail under Section 16 for allegedly publishing false information about efforts by President Samia Suluhu Hassan to interfere in CHADEMA’s internal elections. Despite the offense being bailable, Dr. Slaa was denied bail and detained for 48 days.

The Statistics Act of 2015 criminalizes the publication of “false official statistics” and the dissemination of information that could result in the “distortion of facts.” In 2018, amendments to the law made it illegal to publish any statistics without the approval of the National Bureau of Statistics or to disseminate statistics that “invalidate, distort or discredit” official statistics. In 2019, another amendment reaffirmed the right to collect and disseminate statistical information and removed criminal liability for publishing independent statistics.

The Media Services Act (MSA), 2016 contains vague and overly broad terms, such as “false statements,” “rumors,” and “disturbing the public peace.” Of particular concern are:

  • Section 58, which grants the Minister of Information, Youth, Culture and Sports “absolute discretion” to ban foreign publications.
  • Section 59, which provides the Minister with discretionary powers to prohibit or otherwise sanction content deemed a threat to national security or public safety.
  • Section 7, which restricts the type of permissible news and content without clear justification.
  • Section 9(b), which allows the Director of Information Services Department to suspend or cancel the license of a media outlet.

These provisions have enabled arbitrary bans and suspensions of independent outlets and served as powerful tools in the government’s broader crackdown on civic space.

Recent reforms have provided some relief. On June 13, 2023, Parliament amended the MSA to decriminalize defamation, end the courts’ power to confiscate media equipment, and increase media self-regulation and opportunities to earn resources through advertising.

The Access to Information Act, 2016, promotes transparency and supports the constitutional right to information. However, it also imposes harsh penalties for wrongly releasing information to the public. Authorities may also withhold information if its disclosure is believed to jeopardize national security, international relations, or economic management, or to distort court proceedings before the conclusion of a case. The scope of “information relating to national security” under Section 6 is exceedingly broad, and those who disclose exempted information face 3 to 5 years in prison.

The Prevention of Terrorism Act criminalizes acts of terrorism and provides for measures to combat terrorism in Tanzania. While the Act aims to enhance national security, it has been criticized for its potential to be used against political dissenters and activists.

The Electronic and Postal Communications (Online Content) Regulations, 2018, and their subsequent amendments, have been used to fine, warn, and ban media outlets and individuals for the publication of content deemed unacceptable. The Regulations allow the government to arbitrarily regulate and ban online content produced by bloggers, citizen journalists, forum administrators, and social media users, as well as content on websites, online television, and radio stations. The Regulations apply to both residents of Tanzania and Tanzanian citizens living abroad. The Tanzania Communications Regulatory Authority (TCRA) is empowered to monitor and remove content. It is also tasked with keeping a register of bloggers, online forums, and online radio and television stations.

The Regulations require all online blogs and forums to register with the TCRA.  The initial annual licensing fee was TZS 2 million ($850), a prohibitively high amount equivalent to roughly one-third of the average annual per capita income in Tanzania. However, recent reforms reduced the annual fee to $250. Violations can result in severe penalties. In addition to restricting fundamental freedoms, the law creates a chilling effect on political speech and dissent, particularly among journalists, human rights activists, opposition parties, and others critical of the government.

The Electronic and Postal Communications (Online Content) (Amendment) Regulations, 2022 (Amended Online Content Regulations) revised the Electronic and Postal Communications (Online Content) Regulations, 2020. Collectively these two legal instruments are referred to as the Online Content Regulations. The 2022 amendments introduced several key changes, including:

  • A requirement for online media service providers to obtain a license from the TCRA;
  • An exemption for mainstream media licensees from obtaining a separate license for simulcasting or republishing content online;
  • The prescribed application form and fees to obtain an online media service license; 
  • The removal of the obligation for licensees to establish and publicize policies or guidelines on online content safety;
  • The repeal of the prohibition that previously barred district- or regional-level content service providers from simulcasting their content via online platforms;
  • The elimination of burdensome requirements previously imposed on internet café operators;
  • A reduction in the annual license fees for online media services;
  • A detailed list of prohibited content, as per the Third Schedule to the 2020 Online Content Regulations.

The National Arts Act of 1984 and its recent amendments give the National Arts Council (Baraza la Sanaa la Taifa) sweeping powers to restrict artistic freedom. The NAC has suspended, inspected, and destroyed artistic works it deems unlawful—most often targeting independent musicians and artists who use their platforms to highlight social injustices or critique government policies.

The Political Parties (Amendment) Act, 2019 regulates political activities and political parties in Tanzania. Under Section 5(2), the Registrar of Political Parties can reject applications from CSOs to conduct political or civic education. The amendments also include severe penalties for administrative offenses. For instance, Section 5B authorizes the Registrar to request information from political parties. Failure to provide the requested information is criminalized and can result in fines of millions of shillings or imprisonment. In some cases, parties can be suspended indefinitely or deregistered for administrative offenses. These provisions are often used to intimidate opposition parties and silence political organizing.

Electoral regulations also limit expression. According to the Guidelines for Local and International Observers and Monitors in Tanzania, accredited election monitors and observers are prohibited from publicly commenting on electoral processes during their accreditation period. They are also barred from publishing reports before submitting them to the National Electoral Commission for review. These restrictions impede civil society’s ability to speak out about electoral regularities, as seen during the 2024 local government elections.

Finally, abductions and enforced disappearances remain a serious concern. In 2024, THRDC documented 47 cases of attacks, abductions, and enforced disappearances involving human rights defenders and political activists. Tanzania has not ratified the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance of 2010, and authorities have failed to investigate most of these cases.

BARRIERS TO ASSEMBLY

Article 20(1) of Tanzania’s Constitution guarantees the freedom of assembly, stating that“Every person has a freedom, to freely and peaceably assemble, associate and cooperate with other persons, and for that purpose, express views publicly and to form and join with associations or organizations formed for purposes of preserving or furthering his beliefs or interests or any other interests.”

However, this constitutional guarantee is significantly constrained by subordinate legislation and state practices.

The Police Force Act, the Auxiliary Service Act, 2002, and the Public Order Act (CAP  385 R.E 2002) regulate the organization and conduct of public assemblies.

Article 43 of the Police Force Act requires the organizer of an assembly to notify the police in writing at least 48 hours in advance. The notification must specify the time, place, and purpose of the assembly, as well as any “other particulars as the Minister may … specify.”

Under Article 44, police are authorized to prevent assemblies from taking place if they deem them likely to “breach the peace or prejudice the public safety or the maintenance of peace and order.” An “unlawful assembly” is defined as any gathering where three or more persons disobey a police order to disperse. This broad definition grants security forces wide latitude to disperse peaceful protests, and reports of excessive force by police are not uncommon.

Although the Public Order Act nominally provides for the right to peaceful assembly, it also imposes restrictions and  requires organizers to obtain permits from authorities. Permit requirements have often  been used to suppress legitimate gatherings.

A significant turning point occurred on January 3, 2023, when President Samia Suluhu Hassan announced the lifting of a long-standing ban on political rallies. At a meeting with political leaders, she stated that the government must provide space for peaceful assemblies and ensure that political rallies proceed without obstruction—regardless of political affiliation. This move was welcomed as a step toward opening civic space ahead of the 2024 local elections and 2025 general elections.

Despite this public commitment, arbitrary bans, police interference, and arrests continue to undermine the right to peaceful assembly. For instance, In August 2024, Tundu Antipas Lissu, lawyer and chairperson of CHADEMA—the country’s main opposition party—was arrested after holding political rallies in Ngorongoro criticizing the government’s eviction of Maasai communities and a controversial port deal with Dubai. Lissu was arrested again on April 25, 2025, following a public rally in Mbinga, Ruvuma region, where he called for electoral reforms. Subsequent rallies led by other CHADEMA leaders were also banned. Their campaign, titled “No Reforms, No Election,” sought to highlight the need for fair electoral processes ahead of the October 2025 elections.

Additional Resources

GLOBAL INDEX RANKINGS
Ranking BodyRankRanking Scale
(best – worst possible)
UN Human Development Index165 (2023)1 – 193
World Justice Project Rule of Law Index96 (2024)1 – 142
Transparency International82 (2024)1 – 180
Freedom House: Freedom in the WorldStatus: Partly Free
Political Rights: 11
Civil Liberties: 24 (2025)
Free/Partly Free/Not Free
40 – 0
60 – 0
Fund for Peace Fragile States Index62 (2024)179 – 1
REPORTS
UN Universal Periodic Review ReportsTanzania UPR page
Reports of UN Special RapporteursTanzania (UN)
Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Expression and Access to Information in Africa – 75OS (ACHPR)
Tanzania Revenue AuthorityTaxation on Nonprofits in Tanzania: A Guide for CSOs (2024)
Disney International Consulting – Policy ForumThe role of Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) in enhancing transparency (2020)
LHRCTanzania Human Rights Report (2024)
IMF Country ReportsTanzania and the IMF
Global VoicesFreedom of expression in Tanzania is on a downward spiral (2022)
ICNL Online LibraryTanzania
NEWS

Tanzania Shuts Down Church after Pastor’s Human Rights Criticism (July 2025)
Tanzania’s government has shut down a prominent church after its founder and pastor, a ruling party lawmaker, denounced ongoing human rights violations in a sermon. The move came less than a day after the sermon and has sparked widespread concern about religious freedom and political dissent ahead of the country’s October elections. The Glory of Christ Tanzania Church, founded by Bishop Josephat Gwajima, was officially deregistered by the Registrar of Societies on June 2, one day after Gwajima publicly condemned a rise in abductions and enforced disappearances and launched a seven-day prayer campaign for justice and peace during a Sunday sermon.

High Court Clarifies Chadema Ban (July 2025)
The High Court Registrar’s office clarified the terms of the ban on Chadema was upon certain top leaders but it is essentially paralyzing Chadema operations nationwide. Chadema is challenging this order through review.

Chadema’s Lema Needs ‘Extra Checking’ (June 2025)
Tanzania’s Immigration Department said the measures taken against opposition politician Godbless Lema were “normal procedures used in the case of any Tanzanian citizen whenever we receive information that needs extra checking.” Department spokesperson Paul Mselle said that Lema’s passport had been seized and he was required to report to Immigration headquarters in Dodoma “for further questioning.” Lema, a former Arusha Urban MP, was blocked from travelling to Kenya in what appeared to be part of an ongoing government strategy to diminish the party’s influence abroad ahead of a general election later this year.

Court of Appeal Quashes Restrictions on Public Interest Litigation (June 2025)
In a historic decision, the Court of Appeals struck down sections of the Basic Rights and Duties Enforcement Act that had previously barred individuals from filing public interest cases unless they could prove personal harm. The justices ruled that the restrictions stripped the public of their role as constitutional watchdogs.

Opposition Leader Arrested at Airport (May 2025)
Tanzania detained a senior member of the country’s main opposition while he was trying to fly to Belgium for a democracy conference, the CHADEMA party said. Amani Golugwa, CHADEMA’s Deputy Secretary General, was detained at the Julius Nyerere International Airport late on Monday evening. Golugwa has since been released on bail, his party said on X. Golugwa was due to travel to Brussels to represent CHADEMA at the International Democracy Union conference (IDU), a gathering of center-right political parties.

Abducted Activist ‘Dumped’ at Ugandan Border (May 2025)
A Ugandan human rights activist, arrested in Tanzania after travelling to the country to support an opposition politician at a trial for treason, has been tortured and dumped at the border. Ugandan rights group Agora Discourse said that activist and journalist Agather Atuhaire had been “abandoned at the border by Tanzanian authorities” and showed signs of torture.

Tanzania Bars Main Opposition Party from Upcoming Elections (April 2025)
The main opposition party in Tanzania has been barred from the forthcoming general elections after it declined to endorse an electoral code of conduct. The East African country has increasingly restricted its opposition as the general election approaches in October 2025. Chadema leader Tundu Lissu, who was detained and charged with treason earlier this week, has previously stated that his party would not participate in the elections without electoral reform.

Tanzanians in Diaspora Seek Improved Civic Space to Contribute to Democratisation at Home (June 2024)
Perhaps no restriction bothers Tanzania’s diaspora more than their inability to vote in elections, a restriction they’ve been urging authorities to remove so they can participate in democratic processes that determine their country’s future. Several countries worldwide, including Kenya, the Democratic Republic of Congo, and South Africa, allow their citizens to vote wherever they are.

Tanzanian rapper Ney wa Mitego targets Kenyan struggles in viral hit (February 2024)
Tanzanian rapper Emmanuel Elibariki, popularly known as Ney wa Mitego, has released a provocative song addressing the challenges faced by Kenyans in their country. This isn’t Ney wa Mitego’s first foray into controversy. In July 2023, his song ‘Amkeni’ led to a ban by Tanzania’s National Art Council, BASATA, due to its criticism of President Samia Suluhu’s administration.

Civic Groups alarmed over Tanzania’s crackdown on EACOP dissenters (February 2024)
On March 11th, 2024, nine project-affected people (PAPs) from Golimba and Diloda villages in Hanang District, Tanzania, were split up and interrogated by police for several hours. This included being asked why they are resisting and/or are opposed to the EACOP project, who is supporting them, and whether they know and/or are working with specific Tanzanian civil society actors who have been working to shed light on the environmental harm and human rights violations associated with the EACOP project. Inclusive Development International and other global human rights organizations are urging the Tanzanian government, international human rights organizations, as well as the leading companies involved in EACOP, TotalEnergies and CNOOC, to take action to uphold the rights of PAPs and activists.

Tanzania’s elections are vulnerable to state abuse (February 2024)
Tanzania’s electoral law reform is overdue for an overhaul. This was made most apparent by the 2019 local elections and the 2020 general elections. The results were big wins for the ruling party, Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM). These margins of victory were contested. The United Nations, research think-tanks and various media noted these elections as the most unfree and unfair since the return of the multiparty system in 1992.

Tanzanian civil society validates a human rights defenders policy (November 2023)
On October 19, the Tanzanian Human Rights Defenders Coalition organized a one day event with defenders from all around the country to reflect on the 25th anniversary of the UN Declaration on human rights defenders and validate the civil society led draft on the promotion and protection of the rights of defenders in Tanzania. Discussing and reflecting on the advancement in Africa since the adoption of the UN Declaration on human rights defenders (‘the Declaration’), speakers highlighted the numerous legislative progress in some countries and the increase in legislative restrictions in others.

How Tanzania SDGs platform led to the national Civil Society Organisations VNR consultations (June 2023)
For the second time in July this year, Tanzania will submit its second Voluntary National Review (VNR) 2023 report highlighting the progress of Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) at the High Level Political Forum.

CSOs push for SADC national committee formation (May 2023)
The government has been asked to accelerate the process of forming the national committee for the Southern African Development Community (SADC) for the sake of enabling Tanzanians benefit fully from all economic potentials available in the bloc. Members of Civil Societies Organisations (CSO’s) made the request on Tuesday during their meeting with the Parliamentary committee on Foreign Affairs, Defence and Security.

NGOs deregistration worry activists (May 2023)
As the Registrar of Non Governmental Organisations (NGOs) deregistered nearly 5000 institutions, human rights activists have called for thorough research to find out why they fail to conform to registration conditions. The call comes barely 10 days after the NGOs Registrar issued a 14-day ultimatum to about 3,000 entities to show cause why legal measures should not be taken against them for breaching the law while nearly 5000 of them were deregistered in January.

Tanzania’s Data Protection Law comes into effect (May 2023)
The Personal Data Protection Act in Tanzania came into effect on May 1, 2023, five months after it was passed in parliament.

Stakeholders Want Nyalali Recommendations on Multipartyism Adopted (April 2023)
The ongoing democratic drive in Tanzania has brought Nyalali recommendations on political pluralism back into the mainstream, with stakeholders demanding the government adopt them wholly as part of national efforts to nurture competitive politics in the country. The call has intensified since it was given prominence at the national dialogue on 30 years of democratic experiment jointly organised by the Centre for Strategic Litigation (CSL) and the Legal and Human Rights Centre (LHRC) between March 30 and March 31, 2023, in Dar es Salaam. Bringing Tanzanians from different walks of life, the two-day event served as a tool to reclaim the space for civic participation in a process previously dominated by the political class. Participants of the dialogue agreed that shirking Nyalali’s recommendations on multipartyism will serve the country no good purpose.

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Vested interests behind Tanzania law change push (February 2021)

Historical noteS

The roots of civil society in Tanzania can be traced back to the pre-colonial period in Tanganyika in the 1920s. In 1922, for example, the Tanganyika Territory African Civil Servants Association was formed to advocate for the rights and welfare of indigenous civil servants. During this time, mutual cooperative movements and pastoralist associations also emerged, primarily focused on issues such as land ownership and community security. These early movements laid the groundwork for the formation of associations that later played a pivotal role in the struggle for independence in 1961.

CSOs gained further prominence in the 1980s, following the government’s adoption of structural adjustment programs promoted by the International Monetary Fund and World Bank. These programs included components aimed at strengthening CSOs’ ability to promote accountability and counter corruption.